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greater powers

  • 1 greater powers

    Politics english-russian dictionary > greater powers

  • 2 bid for greater powers

    Politics english-russian dictionary > bid for greater powers

  • 3 power

    n
    1) сила; мощь; способность
    3) власть, сила
    4) право, полномочия
    •

    to act outside one's powers — выходить за пределы своих полномочий

    to assume power — брать власть в свои руки; приходить к власти

    to bolster one's challenge to political power — усиливать свои притязания на политическую власть

    to bring smb nearer to power — приближать чей-л. приход к власти

    to carry smb to power — приводить кого-л. к власти

    to come to power — приходить к власти; брать власть в свои руки

    to concentrate all power in one's hands — сосредоточивать всю полноту власти в своих руках

    to confirm smb in power — утверждать чье-л. назначение во главе государства

    to curb smb's powers — ограничивать чьи-л. полномочия

    to delegate powers to smb — передавать / делегировать полномочия кому-л.

    to dilute smb's grip on power — ослаблять чью-л. власть

    to do everything in one's legitimate power — делать все в пределах своей законной власти

    to entrench oneself in power — закрепляться у власти

    to exclude smb from power — не допускать кого-л. к власти

    to exhibit one's full powers — предъявлять свои полномочия

    to extend one's political power — распространять свою политическую власть

    to force smb from power — смещать кого-л.; отстранять кого-л. от власти

    to furnish smb with powers — предоставлять кому-л. полномочия

    to gain power — захватывать власть; приходить к власти

    to give smb emergency powers — предоставлять кому-л. чрезвычайные полномочия

    to go beyond one's constitutional powers — превышать свои конституционные права

    to invest smb with extensive powers — наделять кого-л. широкими полномочиями

    to keep smb out of power — не допускать кого-л. к власти

    to lead one's party to power — вести свою партию к власти

    to lessen smb's power — уменьшать чью-л. власть

    to lodge a great deal of power in smb's hands — сосредоточивать большую власть в чьих-л. руках

    to misuse one's power of veto — злоупотреблять своим правом вето

    to oust smb from power — отстранять кого-л. от власти, смещать кого-л.

    to preserve one's present power and privilege — сохранять свою власть и привилегии

    to put too much power into smb's hands — наделять кого-л. слишком большой властью

    to reduce smb's powers — ограничивать чьи-л. полномочия

    to restore smb to power — восстанавливать кого-л. у власти

    to return smb to power — переизбирать кого-л.

    to rival smb for supreme power — бороться с кем-л. за высшую власть

    to strap smb's buying power — ограничивать чью-л. покупательную способность

    to strip smb of all powers — лишать кого-л. всех полномочий

    to sweep smb from / out of power — смещать кого-л.; отстранять кого-л. от власти

    to take power into one's hands — брать власть в свои руки

    to take over power — приходить к власти; захватывать власть

    to tighten one's grip on power — укреплять свою власть

    to trim smb's powers — ограничивать чьи-л. полномочия

    to undermine smb's power — подрывать чью-л. власть

    to weaken one's grip on power — отказываться от монополии на власть

    to win power — захватывать / завоевывать власть; приходить к власти

    - absolute power
    - abuse of power     - administering power
    - administrative power
    - advent of power
    - allied powers
    - alternation of power
    - alternative sources of power
    - appointive power
    - arrogance of power
    - assumption of power
    - atomic powers
    - authoritarian power
    - autocratic power
    - Axis Powers     - bid for greater powers
    - bodies of power
    - broad powers
    - buying power
    - capitalist power
    - centralized power
    - centrally organized political power
    - change of power
    - colonial power
    - competitive power
    - conquest of political power
    - constituent power
    - constitutional powers
    - contender for power     - dangerous power
    - de facto power     - decline in purchasing power - departure from power
    - depleted power
    - derogation of the powers
    - detaining power
    - deterrent power
    - developing nuclear power
    - devolution of power to the regions
    - dictatorial powers
    - discretionary power
    - display of power
    - division of power     - electric power
    - emergency powers
    - emerging nuclear power
    - Entente powers
    - enumerated powers
    - equilibrium of power
    - executive power
    - exercise of the power
    - extension in power
    - extension of powers
    - extensive powers
    - extra powers
    - extra-constitutional powers
    - fall from power
    - federally generated power
    - foreign power
    - full powers
    - general powers
    - great power
    - greater powers
    - greater reliance on nuclear power
    - grip on power
    - handover of power
    - hold on power
    - imperial power
    - imperialist power
    - implied powers
    - in power
    - increased powers
    - increased pressure on smb to relinquish power
    - industrial power
    - inherent powers
    - inland power
    - invincible power
    - jockeying for power
    - judicial power
    - judiciary power
    - labor power
    - large powers
    - leading power
    - legal power
    - legislative power
    - limited powers
    - limitless power
    - long run of power
    - lust for power
    - major power
    - majority power
    - mandatory powers
    - maritime power
    - market power
    - military power
    - misuse of power
    - monopoly of power
    - monopoly power
    - motive power
    - naval power
    - non-nuclear power
    - nuclear power
    - occupying power
    - official powers     - overthrow of smb's power
    - Pacific power     - peaceful transfer of power
    - peace-loving power
    - personal power
    - plenary power
    - plenipotentiary power
    - political power
    - popular power
    - power has passed out of the hands of a party
    - power is ebbing
    - power of attorney
    - power of influence
    - power of organization
    - power of recognition
    - power of the law
    - power of the purse
    - power to sign
    - powers of arrest and interrogation
    - powers of internment
    - powers of stop and search
    - powers of the presidency
    - powers that be
    - powers to do smth
    - principle power
    - purchasing power
    - push for power
    - real power
    - real purchasing power
    - redistribution of power
    - reduction in purchasing power
    - reduction of smb's power
    - regional power
    - reins of power
    - removal from power
    - reserved power
    - resurgence of military power
    - retaliatory power
    - return to power
    - revolutionary power
    - rise of power
    - road to power
    - royal power     - signatory power
    - source of power
    - space power
    - special powers
    - specific powers
    - state power
    - strengthening of the economic and defense power of the state
    - strengthening of the power
    - strong executive powers
    - struggle for power
    - succession to power
    - supreme power
    - surrender of powers to smb
    - sweeping powers
    - switch of power from... to...
    - the dollar's holding power
    - the main power behind the throne
    - third power
    - time in power
    - too much power is invested in the president
    - trading power
    - transfer of power to smb
    - transforming power
    - transition of power
    - treaty-making power
    - tutelary power
    - under existing powers
    - unlimited power
    - untrammeled power
    - unwarranted power
    - usurpation of power
    - vast powers
    - verification of powers
    - vested with broad powers
    - veto powers
    - victorious powers
    - war powers
    - Western Powers
    - wide powers
    - with deciding voting power
    - world power

    Politics english-russian dictionary > power

  • 4 power

    power ['paʊə(r)]
    puissance ⇒ 1 (a), 1 (c), 1 (d) force ⇒ 1 (a) pouvoir ⇒ 1 (b), 1 (e), 1 (f) capacité ⇒ 1 (e) faculté ⇒ 1 (f) courant ⇒ 1 (g) faire fonctionner ⇒ 2
    1 noun
    (a) (strength, force → gen) puissance f, force f; Physics (→ of engine, lens, microscope) puissance f; (→ of magnet) force f;
    ∎ I underestimated the power of the explosion j'ai sous-estimé la puissance ou la force de l'explosion;
    ∎ they could see the power of his muscles ils voyaient travailler ses muscles puissants;
    ∎ we want greater economic and industrial power nous voulons renforcer la puissance économique et industrielle;
    ∎ at full power à plein régime;
    ∎ the vehicle moves under its own power le véhicule se déplace par ses propres moyens ou de façon autonome;
    ∎ sea/air power puissance f maritime/aérienne;
    ∎ familiar the holiday did me a power of good les vacances m'ont fait un bien fou;
    ∎ British familiar more power to your elbow! bonne chance!□, bon courage!□
    (b) (influence, control) & Politics pouvoir m; (authority) autorité f, pouvoir m;
    ∎ the power of the Church/of student unions le pouvoir de l'Église/des syndicats étudiants;
    ∎ to have sb in one's power avoir qn en son pouvoir;
    ∎ to be in sb's power être à la merci de qn;
    ∎ to fall into sb's power tomber au pouvoir de qn;
    ∎ to be in power être au pouvoir;
    ∎ to come (in)to/to take power arriver au/prendre le pouvoir;
    ∎ to lose power perdre le pouvoir;
    ∎ to have the power to decide/judge avoir le pouvoir de décider/juger, avoir autorité pour décider/juger;
    ∎ absolute/executive/legislative power pouvoir absolu/exécutif/législatif;
    ∎ the committee doesn't really have much power le comité n'a pas grand pouvoir;
    ∎ to act with full powers agir de pleine autorité;
    ∎ the police have been given greater powers la police a reçu des pouvoirs plus importants;
    ∎ it's beyond or outside my power(s) cela dépasse ma compétence ou ne relève pas de mon autorité;
    ∎ it's beyond my power to do anything je n'ai pas compétence en la matière, je ne suis pas habilité à intervenir
    ∎ the President is the real power in the land c'est le président qui détient le véritable pouvoir dans le pays;
    ∎ to be a power in the land avoir une grande influence ou être très puissant dans un pays;
    ∎ the powers of darkness les forces fpl ou puissances fpl des ténèbres;
    ∎ the (real) power behind the throne (individual) l'éminence f grise, celui (celle) m,f qui tire les ficelles; (group) ceux mpl qui tirent les ficelles, les véritables acteurs mpl;
    ∎ also humorous the powers that be les autorités fpl constituées;
    ∎ no power on earth will persuade me to go rien au monde ne me persuadera d'y aller
    (d) Politics (state) puissance f;
    ∎ the great Western powers les grandes puissances occidentales;
    ∎ industrial/nuclear/world power (country) puissance industrielle/nucléaire/mondiale
    (e) (ability, capacity) capacité f, pouvoir m;
    ∎ he has great powers as an orator or great oratorical powers il a de grands talents oratoires;
    ∎ to be at the height or peak of one's powers être à l'apogée de sa puissance;
    ∎ it's within her power to do it c'est en son pouvoir, elle est capable de le faire;
    ∎ I'll do everything in my power to help you je ferai tout mon possible ou tout ce qui est en mon pouvoir pour vous aider;
    ∎ magical/aphrodisiacal powers pouvoirs mpl magiques/aphrodisiaques;
    ∎ to have great powers of persuasion/suggestion avoir un grand pouvoir ou une grande force de persuasion/suggestion;
    ∎ the body's powers of resistance la capacité de résistance du corps;
    ∎ she has great intellectual powers elle a de grandes capacités intellectuelles;
    ∎ Physics & Chemistry power of absorption capacité f d'absorption
    (f) (faculty) faculté f, pouvoir m;
    ∎ her powers are failing ses facultés déclinent;
    ∎ the power of sight la vue;
    ∎ the power of hearing l'ouïe f;
    ∎ the power of reason la raison;
    ∎ he lost the power of speech il a perdu l'usage de la parole
    ∎ to turn on/cut off the power mettre/couper le courant
    ∎ nuclear/solar power énergie f nucléaire/solaire
    (i) Law (proxy) pouvoir m
    (j) Mathematics puissance f;
    ∎ 5 to the power (of) 6 5 puissance 6;
    ∎ raised to the 5th power élevé à la puissance 5
    (source, consumption) d'énergie; (cable) électrique; (brakes) assisté
    (give power to) faire fonctionner ou marcher; (propel) propulser;
    ∎ powered by solar energy fonctionnant à l'énergie solaire;
    ∎ the boat is powered by gas turbines le bateau est propulsé par des turbines à gaz
    avancer à toute vitesse, foncer;
    ∎ he powered into his opponent il fonça sur son adversaire;
    ∎ the leading cars powered down the home straight les voitures de tête foncèrent dans la dernière ligne;
    ∎ his business is powering on son affaire monte en puissance
    ►► Law power of attorney procuration f;
    ∎ to give sb power of attorney donner procuration à qn;
    power base assise f politique;
    Marketing power brand marque f forte;
    power breakfast = petit déjeuner d'affaires entre personnes importantes;
    power broker décideur(euse) m,f politique;
    power cut coupure f de courant;
    Aviation power dive (descente f en) piqué m;
    British power dressing = façon de s'habiller qu'adoptent certaines femmes cadres dans le but de projeter une image d'autorité;
    power drill perceuse f électrique;
    power failure panne f de courant;
    power game lutte f d'influence, course f au pouvoir;
    power line ligne f à haute tension;
    power lunch déjeuner m d'affaires entre personnes importantes;
    American power outage rupture f de l'alimentation;
    Electricity power pack bloc m d'alimentation électrique;
    power plant (factory) centrale f électrique; (generator) groupe m électrogène; (engine) groupe m moteur;
    power play (in ice hockey) coup m de force;
    power point prise f de courant;
    power politics (UNCOUNT) politique f du coup de force;
    Mathematics power set ensemble m des sous-ensembles;
    Politics power sharing partage m du pouvoir;
    power shower douche f à jet puissant;
    power station centrale f (électrique);
    Cars power steering direction f assistée;
    power strike grève f des employés de l'électricité;
    power structure (system) hiérarchie f, répartition f des pouvoirs; (people with power) = ensemble des personnes qui détiennent le pouvoir;
    power struggle lutte f pour le pouvoir;
    power supply Electricity alimentation f (électrique); Computing transformateur m;
    power tool outil m électrique;
    Computing power unit dispositif m d'alimentation;
    power user gros (grosse) utilisateur(trice) m,f; Computing = personne qui sait utiliser au mieux les ressources de son ordinateur;
    power walking marche f sportive;
    power worker employé(e) m,f de l'électricité;
    power yoga power yoga m (forme de yoga où l'on travaille en puissance)
    éteindre, mettre hors tension
    (computer, machine) s'éteindre, se mettre hors tension
    mettre sous tension, allumer
    (computer, machine) se mettre sous tension, s'allumer
    ✾ Book 'The Power and the Glory' Greene 'La Puissance et la gloire'

    Un panorama unique de l'anglais et du français > power

  • 5 hue and cry

    Погоня, крики «Держи! Лови!», паника, тревога. Выражение hue and cry возникло в Средние века, когда йомены считали большим развлечением охотиться за преступниками, как за дикими зверями. Охотники во время охоты использовали специальные кличи-сигналы, и, слыша эти крики издалека, люди могли сказать, на кого охотятся: на оленя, лису, кабана или другого зверя. Законодательная система того времени предоставляла обвиняемым ограниченные права, поэтому они предпочитали сбегать, а не быть осуждёнными. В случае побега шериф и его помощники пускали по следу гончих и в буквальном смысле устраивали «охоту на человека» (a manhunt). Во время поимки беглеца, продвигаясь по лесу, они кричали: 'Hue and cry!', чтобы поднять на ноги всю округу. Заслышав этот клич, любой законопослушный гражданин должен был оставить свою работу и присоединиться к погоне. Позднее эта фраза стала относиться к любому громкому шуму, нарушающему покой. There will probably be a great hue and cry about government proposals to give the police greater powers. — Возможно, официальные предложения дать полиции больше власти, выдвинутые правительством, вызовут серьёзное возмущение.

    English-Russian dictionary of expressions > hue and cry

  • 6 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 7 near cash

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    гос. фин. The resource budget contains a separate control total for “near cash” expenditure, that is expenditure such as pay and current grants which impacts directly on the measure of the golden rule.
    This paper provides background information on the framework for the planning and control of public expenditure in the UK which has been operated since the 1998 Comprehensive Spending Review (CSR). It sets out the different classifications of spending for budgeting purposes and why these distinctions have been adopted. It discusses how the public expenditure framework is designed to ensure both sound public finances and an outcome-focused approach to public expenditure.
    The UK's public spending framework is based on several key principles:
    "
    consistency with a long-term, prudent and transparent regime for managing the public finances as a whole;
    " "
    the judgement of success by policy outcomes rather than resource inputs;
    " "
    strong incentives for departments and their partners in service delivery to plan over several years and plan together where appropriate so as to deliver better public services with greater cost effectiveness; and
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    the proper costing and management of capital assets to provide the right incentives for public investment.
    The Government sets policy to meet two firm fiscal rules:
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    the Golden Rule states that over the economic cycle, the Government will borrow only to invest and not to fund current spending; and
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    the Sustainable Investment Rule states that net public debt as a proportion of GDP will be held over the economic cycle at a stable and prudent level. Other things being equal, net debt will be maintained below 40 per cent of GDP over the economic cycle.
    Achievement of the fiscal rules is assessed by reference to the national accounts, which are produced by the Office for National Statistics, acting as an independent agency. The Government sets its spending envelope to comply with these fiscal rules.
    Departmental Expenditure Limits ( DEL) and Annually Managed Expenditure (AME)
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    Departmental Expenditure Limit ( DEL) spending, which is planned and controlled on a three year basis in Spending Reviews; and
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    Annually Managed Expenditure ( AME), which is expenditure which cannot reasonably be subject to firm, multi-year limits in the same way as DEL. AME includes social security benefits, local authority self-financed expenditure, debt interest, and payments to EU institutions.
    More information about DEL and AME is set out below.
    In Spending Reviews, firm DEL plans are set for departments for three years. To ensure consistency with the Government's fiscal rules departments are set separate resource (current) and capital budgets. The resource budget contains a separate control total for “near cash” expenditure, that is expenditure such as pay and current grants which impacts directly on the measure of the golden rule.
    To encourage departments to plan over the medium term departments may carry forward unspent DEL provision from one year into the next and, subject to the normal tests for tautness and realism of plans, may be drawn down in future years. This end-year flexibility also removes any incentive for departments to use up their provision as the year end approaches with less regard to value for money. For the full benefits of this flexibility and of three year plans to feed through into improved public service delivery, end-year flexibility and three year budgets should be cascaded from departments to executive agencies and other budget holders.
    Three year budgets and end-year flexibility give those managing public services the stability to plan their operations on a sensible time scale. Further, the system means that departments cannot seek to bid up funds each year (before 1997, three year plans were set and reviewed in annual Public Expenditure Surveys). So the credibility of medium-term plans has been enhanced at both central and departmental level.
    Departments have certainty over the budgetary allocation over the medium term and these multi-year DEL plans are strictly enforced. Departments are expected to prioritise competing pressures and fund these within their overall annual limits, as set in Spending Reviews. So the DEL system provides a strong incentive to control costs and maximise value for money.
    There is a small centrally held DEL Reserve. Support from the Reserve is available only for genuinely unforeseeable contingencies which departments cannot be expected to manage within their DEL.
    AME typically consists of programmes which are large, volatile and demand-led, and which therefore cannot reasonably be subject to firm multi-year limits. The biggest single element is social security spending. Other items include tax credits, Local Authority Self Financed Expenditure, Scottish Executive spending financed by non-domestic rates, and spending financed from the proceeds of the National Lottery.
    AME is reviewed twice a year as part of the Budget and Pre-Budget Report process reflecting the close integration of the tax and benefit system, which was enhanced by the introduction of tax credits.
    AME is not subject to the same three year expenditure limits as DEL, but is still part of the overall envelope for public expenditure. Affordability is taken into account when policy decisions affecting AME are made. The Government has committed itself not to take policy measures which are likely to have the effect of increasing social security or other elements of AME without taking steps to ensure that the effects of those decisions can be accommodated prudently within the Government's fiscal rules.
    Given an overall envelope for public spending, forecasts of AME affect the level of resources available for DEL spending. Cautious estimates and the AME margin are built in to these AME forecasts and reduce the risk of overspending on AME.
    Together, DEL plus AME sum to Total Managed Expenditure (TME). TME is a measure drawn from national accounts. It represents the current and capital spending of the public sector. The public sector is made up of central government, local government and public corporations.
    Resource and Capital Budgets are set in terms of accruals information. Accruals information measures resources as they are consumed rather than when the cash is paid. So for example the Resource Budget includes a charge for depreciation, a measure of the consumption or wearing out of capital assets.
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    Non cash charges in budgets do not impact directly on the fiscal framework. That may be because the national accounts use a different way of measuring the same thing, for example in the case of the depreciation of departmental assets. Or it may be that the national accounts measure something different: for example, resource budgets include a cost of capital charge reflecting the opportunity cost of holding capital; the national accounts include debt interest.
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    Within the Resource Budget DEL, departments have separate controls on:
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    Near cash spending, the sub set of Resource Budgets which impacts directly on the Golden Rule; and
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    The amount of their Resource Budget DEL that departments may spend on running themselves (e.g. paying most civil servants’ salaries) is limited by Administration Budgets, which are set in Spending Reviews. Administration Budgets are used to ensure that as much money as practicable is available for front line services and programmes. These budgets also help to drive efficiency improvements in departments’ own activities. Administration Budgets exclude the costs of frontline services delivered directly by departments.
    The Budget preceding a Spending Review sets an overall envelope for public spending that is consistent with the fiscal rules for the period covered by the Spending Review. In the Spending Review, the Budget AME forecast for year one of the Spending Review period is updated, and AME forecasts are made for the later years of the Spending Review period.
    The 1998 Comprehensive Spending Review ( CSR), which was published in July 1998, was a comprehensive review of departmental aims and objectives alongside a zero-based analysis of each spending programme to determine the best way of delivering the Government's objectives. The 1998 CSR allocated substantial additional resources to the Government's key priorities, particularly education and health, for the three year period from 1999-2000 to 2001-02.
    Delivering better public services does not just depend on how much money the Government spends, but also on how well it spends it. Therefore the 1998 CSR introduced Public Service Agreements (PSAs). Each major government department was given its own PSA setting out clear targets for achievements in terms of public service improvements.
    The 1998 CSR also introduced the DEL/ AME framework for the control of public spending, and made other framework changes. Building on the investment and reforms delivered by the 1998 CSR, successive spending reviews in 2000, 2002 and 2004 have:
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    provided significant increase in resources for the Government’s priorities, in particular health and education, and cross-cutting themes such as raising productivity; extending opportunity; and building strong and secure communities;
    " "
    enabled the Government significantly to increase investment in public assets and address the legacy of under investment from past decades. Departmental Investment Strategies were introduced in SR2000. As a result there has been a steady increase in public sector net investment from less than ¾ of a per cent of GDP in 1997-98 to 2¼ per cent of GDP in 2005-06, providing better infrastructure across public services;
    " "
    introduced further refinements to the performance management framework. PSA targets have been reduced in number over successive spending reviews from around 300 to 110 to give greater focus to the Government’s highest priorities. The targets have become increasingly outcome-focused to deliver further improvements in key areas of public service delivery across Government. They have also been refined in line with the conclusions of the Devolving Decision Making Review to provide a framework which encourages greater devolution and local flexibility. Technical Notes were introduced in SR2000 explaining how performance against each PSA target will be measured; and
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    not only allocated near cash spending to departments, but also – since SR2002 - set Resource DEL plans for non cash spending.
    To identify what further investments and reforms are needed to equip the UK for the global challenges of the decade ahead, on 19 July 2005 the Chief Secretary to the Treasury announced that the Government intends to launch a second Comprehensive Spending Review (CSR) reporting in 2007.
    A decade on from the first CSR, the 2007 CSR will represent a long-term and fundamental review of government expenditure. It will cover departmental allocations for 2008-09, 2009-10 and 2010 11. Allocations for 2007-08 will be held to the agreed figures already announced by the 2004 Spending Review. To provide a rigorous analytical framework for these departmental allocations, the Government will be taking forward a programme of preparatory work over 2006 involving:
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    an assessment of what the sustained increases in spending and reforms to public service delivery have achieved since the first CSR. The assessment will inform the setting of new objectives for the decade ahead;
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    an examination of the key long-term trends and challenges that will shape the next decade – including demographic and socio-economic change, globalisation, climate and environmental change, global insecurity and technological change – together with an assessment of how public services will need to respond;
    " "
    to release the resources needed to address these challenges, and to continue to secure maximum value for money from public spending over the CSR period, a set of zero-based reviews of departments’ baseline expenditure to assess its effectiveness in delivering the Government’s long-term objectives; together with
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    further development of the efficiency programme, building on the cross cutting areas identified in the Gershon Review, to embed and extend ongoing efficiency savings into departmental expenditure planning.
    The 2007 CSR also offers the opportunity to continue to refine the PSA framework so that it drives effective delivery and the attainment of ambitious national standards.
    Public Service Agreements (PSAs) were introduced in the 1998 CSR. They set out agreed targets detailing the outputs and outcomes departments are expected to deliver with the resources allocated to them. The new spending regime places a strong emphasis on outcome targets, for example in providing for better health and higher educational standards or service standards. The introduction in SR2004 of PSA ‘standards’ will ensure that high standards in priority areas are maintained.
    The Government monitors progress against PSA targets, and departments report in detail twice a year in their annual Departmental Reports (published in spring) and in their autumn performance reports. These reports provide Parliament and the public with regular updates on departments’ performance against their targets.
    Technical Notes explain how performance against each PSA target will be measured.
    To make the most of both new investment and existing assets, there needs to be a coherent long term strategy against which investment decisions are taken. Departmental Investment Strategies (DIS) set out each department's plans to deliver the scale and quality of capital stock needed to underpin its objectives. The DIS includes information about the department's existing capital stock and future plans for that stock, as well as plans for new investment. It also sets out the systems that the department has in place to ensure that it delivers its capital programmes effectively.
    This document was updated on 19 December 2005.
    Near-cash resource expenditure that has a related cash implication, even though the timing of the cash payment may be slightly different. For example, expenditure on gas or electricity supply is incurred as the fuel is used, though the cash payment might be made in arrears on aquarterly basis. Other examples of near-cash expenditure are: pay, rental.Net cash requirement the upper limit agreed by Parliament on the cash which a department may draw from theConsolidated Fund to finance the expenditure within the ambit of its Request forResources. It is equal to the agreed amount of net resources and net capital less non-cashitems and working capital.Non-cash cost costs where there is no cash transaction but which are included in a body’s accounts (or taken into account in charging for a service) to establish the true cost of all the resourcesused.Non-departmental a body which has a role in the processes of government, but is not a government public body, NDPBdepartment or part of one. NDPBs accordingly operate at arm’s length from governmentMinisters.Notional cost of a cost which is taken into account in setting fees and charges to improve comparability with insuranceprivate sector service providers.The charge takes account of the fact that public bodies donot generally pay an insurance premium to a commercial insurer.the independent body responsible for collecting and publishing official statistics about theUK’s society and economy. (At the time of going to print legislation was progressing tochange this body to the Statistics Board).Office of Government an office of the Treasury, with a status similar to that of an agency, which aims to maximise Commerce, OGCthe government’s purchasing power for routine items and combine professional expertiseto bear on capital projects.Office of the the government department responsible for discharging the Paymaster General’s statutoryPaymaster General,responsibilities to hold accounts and make payments for government departments and OPGother public bodies.Orange bookthe informal title for Management of Risks: Principles and Concepts, which is published by theTreasury for the guidance of public sector bodies.Office for NationalStatistics, ONS60Managing Public Money
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    GLOSSARYOverdraftan account with a negative balance.Parliament’s formal agreement to authorise an activity or expenditure.Prerogative powerspowers exercisable under the Royal Prerogative, ie powers which are unique to the Crown,as contrasted with common-law powers which may be available to the Crown on the samebasis as to natural persons.Primary legislationActs which have been passed by the Westminster Parliament and, where they haveappropriate powers, the Scottish Parliament and the Northern Ireland Assembly. Begin asBills until they have received Royal Assent.arrangements under which a public sector organisation contracts with a private sectorentity to construct a facility and provide associated services of a specified quality over asustained period. See annex 7.5.Proprietythe principle that patterns of resource consumption should respect Parliament’s intentions,conventions and control procedures, including any laid down by the PAC. See box 2.4.Public Accountssee Committee of Public Accounts.CommitteePublic corporationa trading body controlled by central government, local authority or other publiccorporation that has substantial day to day operating independence. See section 7.8.Public Dividend finance provided by government to public sector bodies as an equity stake; an alternative to Capital, PDCloan finance.Public Service sets out what the public can expect the government to deliver with its resources. EveryAgreement, PSAlarge government department has PSA(s) which specify deliverables as targets or aimsrelated to objectives.a structured arrangement between a public sector and a private sector organisation tosecure an outcome delivering good value for money for the public sector. It is classified tothe public or private sector according to which has more control.Rate of returnthe financial remuneration delivered by a particular project or enterprise, expressed as apercentage of the net assets employed.Regularitythe principle that resource consumption should accord with the relevant legislation, therelevant delegated authority and this document. See box 2.4.Request for the functional level into which departmental Estimates may be split. RfRs contain a number Resources, RfRof functions being carried out by the department in pursuit of one or more of thatdepartment’s objectives.Resource accountan accruals account produced in line with the Financial Reporting Manual (FReM).Resource accountingthe system under which budgets, Estimates and accounts are constructed in a similar wayto commercial audited accounts, so that both plans and records of expenditure allow in fullfor the goods and services which are to be, or have been, consumed – ie not just the cashexpended.Resource budgetthe means by which the government plans and controls the expenditure of resources tomeet its objectives.Restitutiona legal concept which allows money and property to be returned to its rightful owner. Ittypically operates where another person can be said to have been unjustly enriched byreceiving such monies.Return on capital the ratio of profit to capital employed of an accounting entity during an identified period.employed, ROCEVarious measures of profit and of capital employed may be used in calculating the ratio.Public Privatepartnership, PPPPrivate Finance Initiative, PFIParliamentaryauthority61Managing Public Money
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    GLOSSARYRoyal charterthe document setting out the powers and constitution of a corporation established underprerogative power of the monarch acting on Privy Council advice.Second readingthe second formal time that a House of Parliament may debate a bill, although in practicethe first substantive debate on its content. If successful, it is deemed to denoteParliamentary approval of the principle of the proposed legislation.Secondary legislationlaws, including orders and regulations, which are made using powers in primary legislation.Normally used to set out technical and administrative provision in greater detail thanprimary legislation, they are subject to a less intense level of scrutiny in Parliament.European legislation is,however,often implemented in secondary legislation using powers inthe European Communities Act 1972.Service-level agreement between parties, setting out in detail the level of service to be performed.agreementWhere agreements are between central government bodies, they are not legally a contractbut have a similar function.Shareholder Executive a body created to improve the government’s performance as a shareholder in businesses.Spending reviewsets out the key improvements in public services that the public can expect over a givenperiod. It includes a thorough review of departmental aims and objectives to find the bestway of delivering the government’s objectives, and sets out the spending plans for the givenperiod.State aidstate support for a domestic body or company which could distort EU competition and sois not usually allowed. See annex 4.9.Statement of Excessa formal statement detailing departments’ overspends prepared by the Comptroller andAuditor General as a result of undertaking annual audits.Statement on Internal an annual statement that Accounting Officers are required to make as part of the accounts Control, SICon a range of risk and control issues.Subheadindividual elements of departmental expenditure identifiable in Estimates as single cells, forexample cell A1 being administration costs within a particular line of departmental spending.Supplyresources voted by Parliament in response to Estimates, for expenditure by governmentdepartments.Supply Estimatesa statement of the resources the government needs in the coming financial year, and forwhat purpose(s), by which Parliamentary authority is sought for the planned level ofexpenditure and income.Target rate of returnthe rate of return required of a project or enterprise over a given period, usually at least a year.Third sectorprivate sector bodies which do not act commercially,including charities,social and voluntaryorganisations and other not-for-profit collectives. See annex 7.7.Total Managed a Treasury budgeting term which covers all current and capital spending carried out by the Expenditure,TMEpublic sector (ie not just by central departments).Trading fundan organisation (either within a government department or forming one) which is largely orwholly financed from commercial revenue generated by its activities. Its Estimate shows itsnet impact, allowing its income from receipts to be devoted entirely to its business.Treasury Minutea formal administrative document drawn up by the Treasury, which may serve a wide varietyof purposes including seeking Parliamentary approval for the use of receipts asappropriations in aid, a remission of some or all of the principal of voted loans, andresponding on behalf of the government to reports by the Public Accounts Committee(PAC).62Managing Public Money
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    GLOSSARY63Managing Public MoneyValue for moneythe process under which organisation’s procurement, projects and processes aresystematically evaluated and assessed to provide confidence about suitability, effectiveness,prudence,quality,value and avoidance of error and other waste,judged for the public sectoras a whole.Virementthe process through which funds are moved between subheads such that additionalexpenditure on one is met by savings on one or more others.Votethe process by which Parliament approves funds in response to supply Estimates.Voted expenditureprovision for expenditure that has been authorised by Parliament. Parliament ‘votes’authority for public expenditure through the Supply Estimates process. Most expenditureby central government departments is authorised in this way.Wider market activity activities undertaken by central government organisations outside their statutory duties,using spare capacity and aimed at generating a commercial profit. See annex 7.6.Windfallmonies received by a department which were not anticipated in the spending review.
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    Англо-русский экономический словарь > near cash

  • 8 exceed

    ik'si:d
    (to go beyond; to be greater than: His expenditure exceeds his income; He exceeded the speed limit on the motorway.) exceder, sobrepasar
    exceed vb superar / exceder / sobrepasar
    tr[ɪk'siːd]
    1 (be greater than) exceder, sobrepasar; (go beyond) exceder, sobrepasar
    ■ the price must not exceed £100 el precio no debe exceder las 100 libras
    exceed [ɪk'si:d, ɛk-] vt
    1) surpass: exceder, rebasar, sobrepasar
    2) : exceder de, sobrepasar
    not exceeding two months: que no exceda de dos meses
    v.
    • aventajar v.
    • exceder v.
    • rebasar v.
    • sobrar v.
    • sobrepasar v.
    • superar v.
    ɪk'siːd
    a) ( be greater than) exceder de, sobrepasar
    b) ( go beyond) \<\<limit/minimum\>\> rebasar, sobrepasar; \<\<expectations/fears/hopes\>\> superar; \<\<powers\>\> (frml) excederse en
    [ɪk'siːd]
    VT [+ estimate] exceder (by en); [+ number] pasar de, exceder de; [+ limit, bounds, speed limit] sobrepasar, rebasar; [+ rights] ir más allá de, abusar de; [+ powers, instructions] excederse en; [+ expectations, fears] superar

    a fine not exceeding £50 — una multa que no pase de 50 libras

    * * *
    [ɪk'siːd]
    a) ( be greater than) exceder de, sobrepasar
    b) ( go beyond) \<\<limit/minimum\>\> rebasar, sobrepasar; \<\<expectations/fears/hopes\>\> superar; \<\<powers\>\> (frml) excederse en

    English-spanish dictionary > exceed

  • 9 exceed

    transitive verb
    1) (be greater than) übertreffen (in an + Dat.); [Kosten, Summe, Anzahl:] übersteigen (by um)
    2) (go beyond) überschreiten; hinausgehen über (+ Akk.) [Auftrag, Befehl]
    * * *
    [ik'si:d]
    (to go beyond; to be greater than: His expenditure exceeds his income; He exceeded the speed limit on the motorway.) überschreiten
    - academic.ru/25444/exceedingly">exceedingly
    * * *
    ex·ceed
    [ɪkˈsi:d]
    vt
    ▪ to \exceed sth etw übersteigen; (outshine) etw übertreffen
    the total current must not \exceed 13 amps es dürfen nicht mehr als 13 Ampere Strom fließen; ECON, FIN
    he has \exceeded his credit limit er hat seinen Kredit überzogen
    to \exceed the ceiling ( fig) die Höchstgrenze überschreiten
    to \exceed sb's wildest dreams jds kühnste Träume übertreffen
    to \exceed sb's wildest expectations all jds Erwartungen bei Weitem übertreffen
    to \exceed a quota eine Quote übersteigen
    to \exceed one's powers LAW seine Befugnisse überschreiten
    to \exceed the speed limit die Geschwindigkeitsgrenze überschreiten
    * * *
    [ɪk'siːd]
    vt
    1) (in value, amount, length of time) übersteigen, überschreiten (by um)

    to exceed 5 kilos in weight — das Gewicht von 5 kg übersteigen or überschreiten

    a fine not exceeding £500 — eine Geldstrafe bis zu £ 500

    2) (= go beyond) hinausgehen über (+acc); expectations, desires übertreffen, übersteigen; limits, powers, speed limit überschreiten
    * * *
    exceed [ıkˈsiːd]
    A v/t
    1. seine Anweisungen, das Tempolimit etc überschreiten
    2. fig hinausgehen über (akk):
    exceed the limit den Rahmen sprengen
    3. etwas, jemanden übertreffen (in an dat):
    exceed sb’s worst fears jemandes schlimmste Befürchtungen übertreffen
    B v/i herausragen
    * * *
    transitive verb
    1) (be greater than) übertreffen (in an + Dat.); [Kosten, Summe, Anzahl:] übersteigen (by um)
    2) (go beyond) überschreiten; hinausgehen über (+ Akk.) [Auftrag, Befehl]
    * * *
    v.
    überschreiten v.
    übersteigen v.

    English-german dictionary > exceed

  • 10 credit

    ['kredit] 1. noun
    1) (time allowed for payment of goods etc after they have been received: We don't give credit at this shop.) kredit
    2) (money loaned (by a bank).) kredit
    3) (trustworthiness regarding ability to pay for goods etc: Your credit is good.) kreditværdighed
    4) ((an entry on) the side of an account on which payments received are entered: Our credits are greater than our debits.) kreditpostering; aktiv
    5) (the sum of money which someone has in an account at a bank: Your credit amounts to 2,014 dollars.) kredit
    6) (belief or trust: This theory is gaining credit.) anerkendelse; ære
    7) ((American) a certificate to show that a student has completed a course which counts towards his degree.) kursusbevis
    2. verb
    1) (to enter (a sum of money) on the credit side (of an account): This cheque was credited to your account last month.) indsætte; kreditere
    2) ((with with) to think of (a person or thing) as having: He was credited with magical powers.) tillægge; tilskrive
    3) (to believe (something) to be possible: Well, would you credit that!) tro
    •
    - creditably
    - creditor
    - credits
    - credit card
    - be a credit to someone
    - be a credit to
    - do someone credit
    - do credit
    - give someone credit for something
    - give credit for something
    - give someone credit
    - give credit
    - on credit
    - take the credit for something
    - take credit for something
    - take the credit
    - take credit
    * * *
    ['kredit] 1. noun
    1) (time allowed for payment of goods etc after they have been received: We don't give credit at this shop.) kredit
    2) (money loaned (by a bank).) kredit
    3) (trustworthiness regarding ability to pay for goods etc: Your credit is good.) kreditværdighed
    4) ((an entry on) the side of an account on which payments received are entered: Our credits are greater than our debits.) kreditpostering; aktiv
    5) (the sum of money which someone has in an account at a bank: Your credit amounts to 2,014 dollars.) kredit
    6) (belief or trust: This theory is gaining credit.) anerkendelse; ære
    7) ((American) a certificate to show that a student has completed a course which counts towards his degree.) kursusbevis
    2. verb
    1) (to enter (a sum of money) on the credit side (of an account): This cheque was credited to your account last month.) indsætte; kreditere
    2) ((with with) to think of (a person or thing) as having: He was credited with magical powers.) tillægge; tilskrive
    3) (to believe (something) to be possible: Well, would you credit that!) tro
    •
    - creditably
    - creditor
    - credits
    - credit card
    - be a credit to someone
    - be a credit to
    - do someone credit
    - do credit
    - give someone credit for something
    - give credit for something
    - give someone credit
    - give credit
    - on credit
    - take the credit for something
    - take credit for something
    - take the credit
    - take credit

    English-Danish dictionary > credit

  • 11 Mind

       It becomes, therefore, no inconsiderable part of science... to know the different operations of the mind, to separate them from each other, to class them under their proper heads, and to correct all that seeming disorder in which they lie involved when made the object of reflection and inquiry.... It cannot be doubted that the mind is endowed with several powers and faculties, that these powers are distinct from one another, and that what is really distinct to the immediate perception may be distinguished by reflection and, consequently, that there is a truth and falsehood which lie not beyond the compass of human understanding. (Hume, 1955, p. 22)
       Let us then suppose the mind to be, as we say, white Paper, void of all Characters, without any Ideas: How comes it to be furnished? Whence comes it by that vast store, which the busy and boundless Fancy of Man has painted on it, with an almost endless variety? Whence has it all the materials of Reason and Knowledge? To this I answer, in one word, from Experience. (Locke, quoted in Herrnstein & Boring, 1965, p. 584)
       The kind of logic in mythical thought is as rigorous as that of modern science, and... the difference lies, not in the quality of the intellectual process, but in the nature of things to which it is applied.... Man has always been thinking equally well; the improvement lies, not in an alleged progress of man's mind, but in the discovery of new areas to which it may apply its unchanged and unchanging powers. (Leґvi-Strauss, 1963, p. 230)
       MIND. A mysterious form of matter secreted by the brain. Its chief activity consists in the endeavor to ascertain its own nature, the futility of the attempt being due to the fact that it has nothing but itself to know itself with. (Bierce, quoted in Minsky, 1986, p. 55)
       [Philosophy] understands the foundations of knowledge and it finds these foundations in a study of man-as-knower, of the "mental processes" or the "activity of representation" which make knowledge possible. To know is to represent accurately what is outside the mind, so to understand the possibility and nature of knowledge is to understand the way in which the mind is able to construct such representation.... We owe the notion of a "theory of knowledge" based on an understanding of "mental processes" to the seventeenth century, and especially to Locke. We owe the notion of "the mind" as a separate entity in which "processes" occur to the same period, and especially to Descartes. We owe the notion of philosophy as a tribunal of pure reason, upholding or denying the claims of the rest of culture, to the eighteenth century and especially to Kant, but this Kantian notion presupposed general assent to Lockean notions of mental processes and Cartesian notions of mental substance. (Rorty, 1979, pp. 3-4)
       Under pressure from the computer, the question of mind in relation to machine is becoming a central cultural preoccupation. It is becoming for us what sex was to Victorians-threat, obsession, taboo, and fascination. (Turkle, 1984, p. 313)
       7) Understanding the Mind Remains as Resistant to Neurological as to Cognitive Analyses
       Recent years have been exciting for researchers in the brain and cognitive sciences. Both fields have flourished, each spurred on by methodological and conceptual developments, and although understanding the mechanisms of mind is an objective shared by many workers in these areas, their theories and approaches to the problem are vastly different....
       Early experimental psychologists, such as Wundt and James, were as interested in and knowledgeable about the anatomy and physiology of the nervous system as about the young science of the mind. However, the experimental study of mental processes was short-lived, being eclipsed by the rise of behaviorism early in this century. It was not until the late 1950s that the signs of a new mentalism first appeared in scattered writings of linguists, philosophers, computer enthusiasts, and psychologists.
       In this new incarnation, the science of mind had a specific mission: to challenge and replace behaviorism. In the meantime, brain science had in many ways become allied with a behaviorist approach.... While behaviorism sought to reduce the mind to statements about bodily action, brain science seeks to explain the mind in terms of physiochemical events occurring in the nervous system. These approaches contrast with contemporary cognitive science, which tries to understand the mind as it is, without any reduction, a view sometimes described as functionalism.
       The cognitive revolution is now in place. Cognition is the subject of contemporary psychology. This was achieved with little or no talk of neurons, action potentials, and neurotransmitters. Similarly, neuroscience has risen to an esteemed position among the biological sciences without much talk of cognitive processes. Do the fields need each other?... [Y]es because the problem of understanding the mind, unlike the wouldbe problem solvers, respects no disciplinary boundaries. It remains as resistant to neurological as to cognitive analyses. (LeDoux & Hirst, 1986, pp. 1-2)
       Since the Second World War scientists from different disciplines have turned to the study of the human mind. Computer scientists have tried to emulate its capacity for visual perception. Linguists have struggled with the puzzle of how children acquire language. Ethologists have sought the innate roots of social behaviour. Neurophysiologists have begun to relate the function of nerve cells to complex perceptual and motor processes. Neurologists and neuropsychologists have used the pattern of competence and incompetence of their brain-damaged patients to elucidate the normal workings of the brain. Anthropologists have examined the conceptual structure of cultural practices to advance hypotheses about the basic principles of the mind. These days one meets engineers who work on speech perception, biologists who investigate the mental representation of spatial relations, and physicists who want to understand consciousness. And, of course, psychologists continue to study perception, memory, thought and action.
    ... [W]orkers in many disciplines have converged on a number of central problems and explanatory ideas. They have realized that no single approach is likely to unravel the workings of the mind: it will not give up its secrets to psychology alone; nor is any other isolated discipline-artificial intelligence, linguistics, anthropology, neurophysiology, philosophy-going to have any greater success. (Johnson-Laird, 1988, p. 7)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Mind

  • 12 Foreign policy

       The guiding principle of Portuguese foreign policy since the founding of the monarchy in the 12th century has been the maintenance of Portugal's status first as an independent kingdom and, later, as a sovereign nation-state. For the first 800 years of its existence, Portuguese foreign policy and diplomacy sought to maintain the independence of the Portuguese monarchy, especially in relationship to the larger and more powerful Spanish monarchy. During this period, the Anglo- Portuguese Alliance, which began with a treaty of commerce and friendship signed between the kings of Portugal and England in 1386 (the Treaty of Windsor) and continued with the Methuen Treaty in 1703, sought to use England ( Great Britain after 1707) as a counterweight to its landward neighbor, Spain.
       As three invasions of Portugal by Napoleon's armies during the first decade of the 19th century proved, however, Spain was not the only threat to Portugal's independence and security. Portugal's ally, Britain, provided a counterweight also to a threatening France on more than one occasion between 1790 and 1830. During the 19th century, Portugal's foreign policy became largely subordinate to that of her oldest ally, Britain, and standard Portuguese histories describe Portugal's situation as that of a "protectorate" of Britain. In two key aspects during this time of international weakness and internal turmoil, Portugal's foreign policy was under great pressure from her ally, world power Britain: responses to European conflicts and to the situation of Portugal's scattered, largely impoverished overseas empire. Portugal's efforts to retain massive, resource-rich Brazil in her empire failed by 1822, when Brazil declared its independence. Britain's policy of favoring greater trade and commerce opportunities in an autonomous Brazil was at odds with Portugal's desperate efforts to hold Brazil.
       Following the loss of Brazil and a renewed interest in empire in tropical Africa, Portugal sought to regain a more independent initiative in her foreign policy and, especially after 1875, overseas imperial questions dominated foreign policy concerns. From this juncture, through the first Republic (1910-26) and during the Estado Novo, a primary purpose of Portuguese foreign policy was to maintain Portuguese India, Macau, and its colonies in Africa: Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea- Bissau. Under the direction of the dictator, Antônio de Oliveira Salazar, further efforts were made to reclaim a measure of independence of foreign policy, despite the tradition of British dominance. Salazar recognized the importance of an Atlantic orientation of the country's foreign policy. As Herbert Pell, U.S. Ambassador to Portugal (1937-41), observed in a June 1939 report to the U.S. Department of State, Portugal's leaders understood that Portugal must side with "that nation which dominates the Atlantic."
       During the 1930s, greater efforts were made in Lisbon in economic, financial, and foreign policy initiatives to assert a greater measure of flexibility in her dependence on ally Britain. German economic interests made inroads in an economy whose infrastructure in transportation, communication, and commerce had long been dominated by British commerce and investors. Portugal's foreign policy during World War II was challenged as both Allied and Axis powers tested the viability of Portugal's official policy of neutrality, qualified by a customary bow to the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance. Antônio de Oliveira Salazar, who served as minister of foreign affairs, as well as prime minister, during 1936-45, sought to sell his version of neutrality to both sides in the war and to do so in a way that would benefit Portugal's still weak economy and finance. Portugal's status as a neutral was keenly tested in several cases, including Portugal's agreeing to lease military bases to Britain and the United States in the Azores Islands and in the wolfram (tungsten ore) question. Portugal's foreign policy experienced severe pressures from the Allies in both cases, and Salazar made it clear to his British and American counterparts that Portugal sought to claim the right to make independent choices in policy, despite Portugal's military and economic weakness. In tense diplomatic negotiations with the Allies over Portugal's wolfram exports to Germany as of 1944, Salazar grew disheartened and briefly considered resigning over the wolfram question. Foreign policy pressure on this question diminished quickly on 6 June 1944, as Salazar decreed that wolfram mining, sales, and exports to both sides would cease for the remainder of the war. After the United States joined the Allies in the war and pursued an Atlantic strategy, Portugal discovered that her relationship with the dominant ally in the emerging United Nations was changing and that the U.S. would replace Britain as the key Atlantic ally during succeeding decades. Beginning in 1943-44, and continuing to 1949, when Portugal became, with the United States, a founding member of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Luso-American relations assumed center stage in her foreign policy.
       During the Cold War, Portuguese foreign policy was aligned with that of the United States and its allies in Western Europe. After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the focus of Portuguese foreign policy shifted away from defending and maintaining the African colonies toward integration with Europe. Since Portugal became a member of the European Economic Community in 1986, and this evolved into the European Union (EU), all Portuguese governments have sought to align Portugal's foreign policy with that of the EU in general and to be more independent of the United States. Since 1986, Portugal's bilateral commercial and diplomatic relations with Britain, France, and Spain have strengthened, especially those with Spain, which are more open and mutually beneficial than at any other time in history.
       Within the EU, Portugal has sought to play a role in the promotion of democracy and human rights, while maintaining its security ties to NATO. Currently, a Portuguese politician, José Manuel Durão Barroso, is president of the Commission of the EU, and Portugal has held the six-month rotating presidency of the EU three times, in 1992, 2000, and 2007.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Foreign policy

  • 13 credit

    1. noun
    1) no pl. (commendation) Anerkennung, die; (honour) Ehre, die

    give somebody [the] credit for something — jemandem für etwas Anerkennung zollen (geh.)

    take the credit for something — die Anerkennung für etwas einstecken

    [we must give] credit where credit is due — Ehre, wem Ehre gebührt

    it is [much or greatly/little] to somebody's/something's credit that... — es macht jemandem/einer Sache [große/wenig] Ehre, dass...

    it is to his credit that... — es ehrt ihn, dass...

    be a credit to somebody/something — jemandem/einer Sache Ehre machen

    2)

    credits, credit titles — (at beginning of film) Vorspann, der; (at end) Nachspann, der

    3) no pl., no art. (belief) Glaube, der

    gain credit — an Glaubwürdigkeit gewinnen

    4) no pl. (Commerc.) Kredit, der

    give [somebody] credit — [jemandem] Kredit geben

    5) no pl. (Finance, Bookk.) Guthaben, das

    be in credit — [Konto:] im Haben sein; [Person:] mit seinem Konto im Haben sein

    6) (fig.)

    he's cleverer than I gave him credit for — er ist klüger, als ich dachte

    2. transitive verb
    1) (believe) glauben
    3) (Finance, Bookk.) gutschreiben

    credit £10 to somebody/somebody's account — jemandem/jemandes Konto 10 Pfund gutschreiben

    * * *
    ['kredit] 1. noun
    1) (time allowed for payment of goods etc after they have been received: We don't give credit at this shop.) der Kredit
    2) (money loaned (by a bank).) der Kredit
    3) (trustworthiness regarding ability to pay for goods etc: Your credit is good.) der Ruf
    4) ((an entry on) the side of an account on which payments received are entered: Our credits are greater than our debits.) das Haben
    5) (the sum of money which someone has in an account at a bank: Your credit amounts to 2,014 dollars.) das Guthaben
    6) (belief or trust: This theory is gaining credit.) der Glaube
    7) ((American) a certificate to show that a student has completed a course which counts towards his degree.) der Anrechnungspunkt
    2. verb
    1) (to enter (a sum of money) on the credit side( of an account): This cheque was credited to your account last month.) anrechnen
    2) ((with with) to think of (a person or thing) as having: He was credited with magical powers.) zuschreiben
    3) (to believe (something) to be possible: Well, would you credit that!) glauben
    •
    - academic.ru/17119/creditable">creditable
    - creditably
    - creditor
    - credits
    - credit card
    - be a credit to someone
    - be a credit to
    - do someone credit
    - do credit
    - give someone credit for something
    - give credit for something
    - give someone credit
    - give credit
    - on credit
    - take the credit for something
    - take credit for something
    - take the credit
    - take credit
    * * *
    cred·it
    [ˈkredɪt]
    I. n
    1. no pl (recognition, praise) Anerkennung f; (respect) Achtung f; (honour) Ehre f
    all \credit to her for not telling on us alle Achtung, dass sie uns nicht verraten hat!
    to her [great] \credit, she admitted she was wrong man muss [es] ihr hoch anrechnen, dass sie ihren Fehler zugegeben hat
    to be a \credit to sb/sth, to do sb/sth \credit jdm/etw Ehre machen
    to claim \credit [for sth] sich dat etw als Verdienst anrechnen
    we cannot claim much \credit for her success ihr Erfolg ist nicht unser Verdienst
    to get \credit for sth für etw akk Anerkennung bekommen
    to give sb \credit for sth (attribute) jdm etw [o das Verdienst an etw dat] zuschreiben; (praise) jdm für etw akk Anerkennung zollen geh
    to take [the] \credit [for sth] die [ganzen] Lorbeeren [für etw akk] einheimsen fam
    2. no pl (standing) Ansehen nt
    to acquire \credit sich dat Ansehen erwerben
    to gain \credit an Ansehen gewinnen
    3. no pl (achievement) Verdienst nt
    ▪ it is to sb's \credit that... es ist jds Verdienst, dass...
    to have sth to one's \credit etw vorweisen [o für sich akk verbuchen] können
    she has a family, three books and a professorship to her \credit sie kann bereits eine Familie, drei Bücher und eine Professur vorweisen
    he already has three box office hits to his \credit er kann schon drei Kassenerfolge für sich verbuchen
    4. no pl (reliability) Glaubwürdigkeit f
    to have \credit glaubwürdig sein
    to lend \credit to sth etw glaubwürdig erscheinen lassen
    5. no pl (reliance) Glaube[n] m
    to give \credit to sth etw dat Glauben schenken
    to give sb \credit for sth jdm etw zutrauen
    I gave him \credit for better judgement than he showed ich hätte ihm ein besseres Urteilsvermögen zugetraut
    6. no pl FIN, COMM Kredit m
    to buy sth on \credit etw auf Kredit kaufen
    to give [sb] \credit [jdm] Kredit geben
    the newsagent doesn't give me any more \credit ich kann beim Zeitschriftenhändler nicht mehr anschreiben lassen
    to live on \credit auf Kredit [o fam Pump] leben
    to offer \credit on sth einen Kredit für etw akk anbieten
    to sell sth on \credit etw auf Kredit verkaufen
    7. FIN (money in the bank) Haben nt; (right-hand side of account) Habenseite f; (entry) Gutschrift f
    account in \credit Konto nt mit positivem Saldo
    debit and \credit Soll nt und Haben nt
    letter of \credit Akkreditiv nt fachspr
    tax \credit Steuergutschrift f
    \credit by way of bank guaranty Avalkredit m fachspr
    to be in \credit esp BRIT im Plus sein
    to enter [or place] sth to sb's \credit jdm etw gutschreiben
    8. no pl FIN, COMM (trustworthiness) Kreditwürdigkeit f
    9. SCH Auszeichnung f; UNIV Schein m
    ▪ \credits pl FILM, TV Abspann m; LIT Mitarbeiterverzeichnis nt
    11.
    ▶ [give] \credit where \credit's due ( saying) Ehre, wem Ehre gebührt prov
    II. vt
    ▪ to \credit sth to sb jdm etw zuschreiben
    the invention was \credited to him die Erfindung wurde ihm zugeschrieben
    2. (consider to be responsible for)
    ▪ to \credit sth/sb with sth etw/jdm etw zuschreiben
    she is \credited with discovering the substance ihr wird zugeschrieben, den Stoff entdeckt zu haben
    ▪ to \credit sth/sb with sth etw/jdm etw zuschreiben
    he'd always been \credited with understanding and sympathy for his patients alle hielten ihn seinen Patienten gegenüber für sehr verständnisvoll und mitfühlend
    I \credited her with more determination ich hatte ihr mehr Entschlossenheit zugetraut
    ▪ to \credit sth etw glauben
    would [or can] you \credit it?! ist das zu glauben?!
    her excuse took some \crediting ihre Entschuldigung war ziemlich unglaubwürdig
    5. (give, add)
    ▪ to \credit sth to sb/an account jdm/einem Konto etw gutschreiben
    6. (give to, put into)
    ▪ to \credit sb/an account with sth jdm/einem Konto etw gutschreiben
    * * *
    ['kredɪt]
    1. n
    1) no pl (FIN) Kredit m; (in pub, hotel, shop etc) Stundung f

    the bank will let me have £5,000 credit — die Bank räumt mir einen Kredit von £ 5.000 ein

    his credit is good — er ist kreditwürdig; (in small shop) er ist vertrauenswürdig

    to give sb ( unlimited) credit — jdm (unbegrenzt) Kredit geben

    we can't give you credit (bank) — wir können Ihnen keinen Kredit geben; (corner shop etc)

    pubs do not usually give credit — in Lokalen bekommt man normalerweise nichts gestundet

    letter of credit — Kreditbrief m, Akkreditiv nt

    2) (FIN: money possessed by person, firm) (Gut)haben nt; (COMM = sum of money) Kreditposten m

    to be in credit — Geld nt auf dem Konto haben

    3) no pl (= standing) Ansehen nt
    4) no pl (= honour) Ehre f; (= recognition) Anerkennung f; (SCH, UNIV = distinction) Auszeichnung f

    well, all credit to you for not succumbing — alle Achtung, dass Sie nicht nachgegeben haben

    I do all the work and he gets all the credit — ich mache die Arbeit, und ihm wird es als Verdienst angerechnet

    credit where credit is due (prov) — Ehre, wem Ehre gebührt (prov)

    5) no pl (= belief) Glaube m

    to give credit to sth — etw glauben, einer Sache (dat)

    6) (esp US UNIV) Schein m
    7) pl (FILM ETC) Vor-/Nachspann m; (in book) Herausgeber- und Mitarbeiterverzeichnis nt
    2. vt
    1) (= believe) glauben

    would you credit it! — ist das denn zu glauben!, ist das denn die Möglichkeit!

    2) (= attribute) zuschreiben (+dat)

    he was credited with having found the solution —

    it's credited with (having) magic powers — ihm werden Zauberkräfte zugeschrieben

    3) (FIN) gutschreiben

    to credit a sum to sb's account — jds Konto (dat) einen Betrag gutschreiben (lassen)

    he/his account had been credited with £100 — ihm/seinem Konto waren £ 100 gutgeschrieben worden

    * * *
    credit [ˈkredıt]
    A s
    1. Glaube(n) m:
    give credit to sth einer Sache Glauben schenken;
    place credit in Zutrauen haben zu, vertrauen (dat); → worthy A 2
    2. Ansehen n, Achtung f, guter Ruf:
    be in high credit with in hohem Ansehen stehen bei;
    gain credit an Ansehen gewinnen
    3. Glaubwürdigkeit f
    4. Einfluss m
    5. Ehre f:
    be a credit to sb, be to sb’s credit, do sb credit, reflect credit on sb jemandem Ehre machen oder einbringen, jemandem zur Ehre gereichen;
    he has not done you credit mit ihm haben Sie keine Ehre eingelegt;
    to his credit it must be said that … zu seiner Ehre muss man sagen, dass …;
    with credit ehrenvoll;
    credit where credit is due Ehre, wem Ehre gebührt
    6. Anerkennung f, Lob n:
    get credit for sth Anerkennung finden für etwas;
    that’s very much to his credit das ist sehr anerkennenswert oder verdienstvoll von ihm
    7. Verdienst n:
    a) jemandem etwas hoch oder als Verdienst anrechnen,
    b) jemandem etwas zutrauen,
    c) sich jemandem für etwas (dankbar) verpflichtet fühlen;
    he is cleverer than we give him credit for er ist klüger, als wir glauben;
    take credit to o.s. for sth, take (the) credit for sth sich etwas als Verdienst anrechnen, den Ruhm oder das Verdienst für etwas in Anspruch nehmen
    8. WIRTSCH
    a) Kredit m
    b) Zeit f, Ziel n
    c) Akkreditiv n:
    on credit auf Kredit oder Ziel;
    at one month’s credit auf einen Monat Ziel;
    credit on goods Warenkredit;
    give sb credit for £1,000 jemandem einen Kredit von 1000 Pfund geben;
    open a credit einen Kredit oder ein Akkreditiv eröffnen
    9. WIRTSCH Kredit(würdigkeit) f, -fähigkeit f
    10. WIRTSCH
    a) Guthaben n, Kreditposten m
    b) Kredit(seite) m(f), Haben n:
    your credit Saldo zu Ihren Gunsten;
    enter ( oder place, put) a sum to sb’s credit jemandem einen Betrag gutschreiben;
    have sth to one’s credit fig etwas aufzuweisen haben
    11. WIRTSCH, PARL Br Vorgriff m auf das Budget
    12. US (Steuer)Freibetrag m, abzugsfähiger Betrag
    13. UNIV US
    a) Anrechnungspunkt m (auf ein für den Erwerb eines akademischen Grades zu erfüllendes Pensum)
    14. pl FILM, TV Vorspann m oder Ab-, Nachspann m
    B v/t
    1. Glauben schenken (dat), jemandem oder eine Sache glauben:
    would you credit it! ist es denn die Möglichkeit!, man sollte es nicht für möglich halten!
    2. jemandem (ver)trauen
    a) jemandem etwas zutrauen,
    b) jemandem etwas zuschreiben
    4. WIRTSCH
    a) einen Betrag gutschreiben, kreditieren ( beide:
    to sb jemandem):
    credit an account with an amount, credit an amount to an account einen Betrag einem Konto gutschreiben
    b) jemanden erkennen (with, for für):
    5. credit sb with three hours in history UNIV US jemandem für einen Geschichtskurs drei Punkte (aufs Pensum) anrechnen
    cr. abk WIRTSCH credit (creditor)
    * * *
    1. noun
    1) no pl. (commendation) Anerkennung, die; (honour) Ehre, die

    give somebody [the] credit for something — jemandem für etwas Anerkennung zollen (geh.)

    [we must give] credit where credit is due — Ehre, wem Ehre gebührt

    it is [much or greatly/little] to somebody's/something's credit that... — es macht jemandem/einer Sache [große/wenig] Ehre, dass...

    it is to his credit that... — es ehrt ihn, dass...

    be a credit to somebody/something — jemandem/einer Sache Ehre machen

    2)

    credits, credit titles — (at beginning of film) Vorspann, der; (at end) Nachspann, der

    3) no pl., no art. (belief) Glaube, der
    4) no pl. (Commerc.) Kredit, der

    give [somebody] credit — [jemandem] Kredit geben

    5) no pl. (Finance, Bookk.) Guthaben, das

    be in credit — [Konto:] im Haben sein; [Person:] mit seinem Konto im Haben sein

    6) (fig.)

    he's cleverer than I gave him credit for — er ist klüger, als ich dachte

    2. transitive verb
    1) (believe) glauben
    3) (Finance, Bookk.) gutschreiben

    credit £10 to somebody/somebody's account — jemandem/jemandes Konto 10 Pfund gutschreiben

    * * *
    n.
    Ansehen - n.
    Kredit -e m. v.
    gutschreiben v.

    English-german dictionary > credit

  • 14 Empire, Portuguese overseas

    (1415-1975)
       Portugal was the first Western European state to establish an early modern overseas empire beyond the Mediterranean and perhaps the last colonial power to decolonize. A vast subject of complexity that is full of myth as well as debatable theories, the history of the Portuguese overseas empire involves the story of more than one empire, the question of imperial motives, the nature of Portuguese rule, and the results and consequences of empire, including the impact on subject peoples as well as on the mother country and its society, Here, only the briefest account of a few such issues can be attempted.
       There were various empires or phases of empire after the capture of the Moroccan city of Ceuta in 1415. There were at least three Portuguese empires in history: the First empire (1415-1580), the Second empire (1580-1640 and 1640-1822), and the Third empire (1822-1975).
       With regard to the second empire, the so-called Phillipine period (1580-1640), when Portugal's empire was under Spanish domination, could almost be counted as a separate era. During that period, Portugal lost important parts of its Asian holdings to England and also sections of its colonies of Brazil, Angola, and West Africa to Holland's conquests. These various empires could be characterized by the geography of where Lisbon invested its greatest efforts and resources to develop territories and ward off enemies.
       The first empire (1415-1580) had two phases. First came the African coastal phase (1415-97), when the Portuguese sought a foothold in various Moroccan cities but then explored the African coast from Morocco to past the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa. While colonization and sugar farming were pursued in the Atlantic islands, as well as in the islands in the Gulf of Guinea like São Tomé and Príncipe, for the most part the Portuguese strategy was to avoid commitments to defending or peopling lands on the African continent. Rather, Lisbon sought a seaborne trade empire, in which the Portuguese could profit from exploiting trade and resources (such as gold) along the coasts and continue exploring southward to seek a sea route to Portuguese India. The second phase of the first empire (1498-1580) began with the discovery of the sea route to Asia, thanks to Vasco da Gama's first voyage in 1497-99, and the capture of strong points, ports, and trading posts in order to enforce a trade monopoly between Asia and Europe. This Asian phase produced the greatest revenues of empire Portugal had garnered, yet ended when Spain conquered Portugal and commanded her empire as of 1580.
       Portugal's second overseas empire began with Spanish domination and ran to 1822, when Brazil won her independence from Portugal. This phase was characterized largely by Brazilian dominance of imperial commitment, wealth in minerals and other raw materials from Brazil, and the loss of a significant portion of her African and Asian coastal empire to Holland and Great Britain. A sketch of Portugal's imperial losses either to native rebellions or to imperial rivals like Britain and Holland follows:
       • Morocco (North Africa) (sample only)
       Arzila—Taken in 1471; evacuated in 1550s; lost to Spain in 1580, which returned city to a sultan.
       Ceuta—Taken in 1415; lost to Spain in 1640 (loss confirmed in 1668 treaty with Spain).
       • Tangiers—Taken in 15th century; handed over to England in 1661 as part of Catherine of Braganza's dowry to King Charles II.
       • West Africa
       • Fort/Castle of São Jorge da Mina, Gold Coast (in what is now Ghana)—Taken in 1480s; lost to Holland in 1630s.
       • Middle East
       Socotra-isle—Conquered in 1507; fort abandoned in 1511; used as water resupply stop for India fleet.
       Muscat—Conquered in 1501; lost to Persians in 1650.
       Ormuz—Taken, 1505-15 under Albuquerque; lost to England, which gave it to Persia in the 17th century.
       Aden (entry to Red Sea) — Unsuccessfully attacked by Portugal (1513-30); taken by Turks in 1538.
       • India
       • Ceylon (Sri Lanka)—Taken by 1516; lost to Dutch after 1600.
       • Bombay—Taken in 16th century; given to England in 1661 treaty as part of Catherine of Braganza's dowry for Charles II.
       • East Indies
       • Moluccas—Taken by 1520; possession confirmed in 1529 Saragossa treaty with Spain; lost to Dutch after 1600; only East Timor remaining.
       After the restoration of Portuguese independence from Spain in 1640, Portugal proceeded to revive and strengthen the Anglo- Portuguese Alliance, with international aid to fight off further Spanish threats to Portugal and drive the Dutch invaders out of Brazil and Angola. While Portugal lost its foothold in West Africa at Mina to the Dutch, dominion in Angola was consolidated. The most vital part of the imperial economy was a triangular trade: slaves from West Africa and from the coasts of Congo and Angola were shipped to plantations in Brazil; raw materials (sugar, tobacco, gold, diamonds, dyes) were sent to Lisbon; Lisbon shipped Brazil colonists and hardware. Part of Portugal's War of Restoration against Spain (1640-68) and its reclaiming of Brazil and Angola from Dutch intrusions was financed by the New Christians (Jews converted to Christianity after the 1496 Manueline order of expulsion of Jews) who lived in Portugal, Holland and other low countries, France, and Brazil. If the first empire was mainly an African coastal and Asian empire, the second empire was primarily a Brazilian empire.
       Portugal's third overseas empire began upon the traumatic independence of Brazil, the keystone of the Lusitanian enterprise, in 1822. The loss of Brazil greatly weakened Portugal both as a European power and as an imperial state, for the scattered remainder of largely coastal, poor, and uncolonized territories that stretched from the bulge of West Africa to East Timor in the East Indies and Macau in south China were more of a financial liability than an asset. Only two small territories balanced their budgets occasionally or made profits: the cocoa islands of São Tomé and Príncipe in the Gulf of Guinea and tiny Macau, which lost much of its advantage as an entrepot between the West and the East when the British annexed neighboring Hong Kong in 1842. The others were largely burdens on the treasury. The African colonies were strapped by a chronic economic problem: at a time when the slave trade and then slavery were being abolished under pressures from Britain and other Western powers, the economies of Guinea- Bissau, São Tomé/Príncipe, Angola, and Mozambique were totally dependent on revenues from the slave trade and slavery. During the course of the 19th century, Lisbon began a program to reform colonial administration in a newly rejuvenated African empire, where most of the imperial efforts were expended, by means of replacing the slave trade and slavery, with legitimate economic activities.
       Portugal participated in its own early version of the "Scramble" for Africa's interior during 1850-69, but discovered that the costs of imperial expansion were too high to allow effective occupation of the hinterlands. After 1875, Portugal participated in the international "Scramble for Africa" and consolidated its holdings in west and southern Africa, despite the failure of the contra-costa (to the opposite coast) plan, which sought to link up the interiors of Angola and Mozambique with a corridor in central Africa. Portugal's expansion into what is now Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe (eastern section) in 1885-90 was thwarted by its oldest ally, Britain, under pressure from interest groups in South Africa, Scotland, and England. All things considered, Portugal's colonizing resources and energies were overwhelmed by the African empire it possessed after the frontier-marking treaties of 1891-1906. Lisbon could barely administer the massive area of five African colonies, whose total area comprised about 8 percent of the area of the colossal continent. The African territories alone were many times the size of tiny Portugal and, as of 1914, Portugal was the third colonial power in terms of size of area possessed in the world.
       The politics of Portugal's empire were deceptive. Lisbon remained obsessed with the fear that rival colonial powers, especially Germany and Britain, would undermine and then dismantle her African empire. This fear endured well into World War II. In developing and keeping her potentially rich African territories (especially mineral-rich Angola and strategically located Mozambique), however, the race against time was with herself and her subject peoples. Two major problems, both chronic, prevented Portugal from effective colonization (i.e., settling) and development of her African empire: the economic weakness and underdevelopment of the mother country and the fact that the bulk of Portuguese emigration after 1822 went to Brazil, Venezuela, the United States, and France, not to the colonies. These factors made it difficult to consolidate imperial control until it was too late; that is, until local African nationalist movements had organized and taken the field in insurgency wars that began in three of the colonies during the years 1961-64.
       Portugal's belated effort to revitalize control and to develop, in the truest sense of the word, Angola and Mozambique after 1961 had to be set against contemporary events in Europe, Africa, and Asia. While Portugal held on to a backward empire, other European countries like Britain, France, and Belgium were rapidly decolonizing their empires. Portugal's failure or unwillingness to divert the large streams of emigrants to her empire after 1850 remained a constant factor in this question. Prophetic were the words of the 19th-century economist Joaquim Oliveira Martins, who wrote in 1880 that Brazil was a better colony for Portugal than Africa and that the best colony of all would have been Portugal itself. As of the day of the Revolution of 25 April 1974, which sparked the final process of decolonization of the remainder of Portugal's third overseas empire, the results of the colonization program could be seen to be modest compared to the numbers of Portuguese emigrants outside the empire. Moreover, within a year, of some 600,000 Portuguese residing permanently in Angola and Mozambique, all but a few thousand had fled to South Africa or returned to Portugal.
       In 1974 and 1975, most of the Portuguese empire was decolonized or, in the case of East Timor, invaded and annexed by a foreign power before it could consolidate its independence. Only historic Macau, scheduled for transfer to the People's Republic of China in 1999, remained nominally under Portuguese control as a kind of footnote to imperial history. If Portugal now lacked a conventional overseas empire and was occupied with the challenges of integration in the European Union (EU), Lisbon retained another sort of informal dependency that was a new kind of empire: the empire of her scattered overseas Portuguese communities from North America to South America. Their numbers were at least six times greater than that of the last settlers of the third empire.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Empire, Portuguese overseas

  • 15 Salazar, Antônio de Oliveira

    (1889-1970)
       The Coimbra University professor of finance and economics and one of the founders of the Estado Novo, who came to dominate Western Europe's longest surviving authoritarian system. Salazar was born on 28 April 1889, in Vimieiro, Beira Alta province, the son of a peasant estate manager and a shopkeeper. Most of his first 39 years were spent as a student, and later as a teacher in a secondary school and a professor at Coimbra University's law school. Nine formative years were spent at Viseu's Catholic Seminary (1900-09), preparing for the Catholic priesthood, but the serious, studious Salazar decided to enter Coimbra University instead in 1910, the year the Braganza monarchy was overthrown and replaced by the First Republic. Salazar received some of the highest marks of his generation of students and, in 1918, was awarded a doctoral degree in finance and economics. Pleading inexperience, Salazar rejected an invitation in August 1918 to become finance minister in the "New Republic" government of President Sidónio Pais.
       As a celebrated academic who was deeply involved in Coimbra University politics, publishing works on the troubled finances of the besieged First Republic, and a leader of Catholic organizations, Sala-zar was not as modest, reclusive, or unknown as later official propaganda led the public to believe. In 1921, as a Catholic deputy, he briefly served in the First Republic's turbulent congress (parliament) but resigned shortly after witnessing but one stormy session. Salazar taught at Coimbra University as of 1916, and continued teaching until April 1928. When the military overthrew the First Republic in May 1926, Salazar was offered the Ministry of Finance and held office for several days. The ascetic academic, however, resigned his post when he discovered the degree of disorder in Lisbon's government and when his demands for budget authority were rejected.
       As the military dictatorship failed to reform finances in the following years, Salazar was reinvited to become minister of finances in April 1928. Since his conditions for acceptance—authority over all budget expenditures, among other powers—were accepted, Salazar entered the government. Using the Ministry of Finance as a power base, following several years of successful financial reforms, Salazar was named interim minister of colonies (1930) and soon garnered sufficient prestige and authority to become head of the entire government. In July 1932, Salazar was named prime minister, the first civilian to hold that post since the 1926 military coup.
       Salazar gathered around him a team of largely academic experts in the cabinet during the period 1930-33. His government featured several key policies: Portuguese nationalism, colonialism (rebuilding an empire in shambles), Catholicism, and conservative fiscal management. Salazar's government came to be called the Estado Novo. It went through three basic phases during Salazar's long tenure in office, and Salazar's role underwent changes as well. In the early years (1928-44), Salazar and the Estado Novo enjoyed greater vigor and popularity than later. During the middle years (1944—58), the regime's popularity waned, methods of repression increased and hardened, and Salazar grew more dogmatic in his policies and ways. During the late years (1958-68), the regime experienced its most serious colonial problems, ruling circles—including Salazar—aged and increasingly failed, and opposition burgeoned and grew bolder.
       Salazar's plans for stabilizing the economy and strengthening social and financial programs were shaken with the impact of the civil war (1936-39) in neighboring Spain. Salazar strongly supported General Francisco Franco's Nationalist rebels, the eventual victors in the war. But, as the civil war ended and World War II began in September 1939, Salazar's domestic plans had to be adjusted. As Salazar came to monopolize Lisbon's power and authority—indeed to embody the Estado Novo itself—during crises that threatened the future of the regime, he assumed ever more key cabinet posts. At various times between 1936 and 1944, he took over the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and of War (Defense), until the crises passed. At the end of the exhausting period of World War II, there were rumors that the former professor would resign from government and return to Coimbra University, but Salazar continued as the increasingly isolated, dominating "recluse of São Bento," that part of the parliament's buildings housing the prime minister's offices and residence.
       Salazar dominated the Estado Novo's government in several ways: in day-to-day governance, although this diminished as he delegated wider powers to others after 1944, and in long-range policy decisions, as well as in the spirit and image of the system. He also launched and dominated the single party, the União Nacional. A lifelong bachelor who had once stated that he could not leave for Lisbon because he had to care for his aged mother, Salazar never married, but lived with a beloved housekeeper from his Coimbra years and two adopted daughters. During his 36-year tenure as prime minister, Salazar engineered the important cabinet reshuffles that reflect the history of the Estado Novo and of Portugal.
       A number of times, in connection with significant events, Salazar decided on important cabinet officer changes: 11 April 1933 (the adoption of the Estado Novo's new 1933 Constitution); 18 January 1936 (the approach of civil war in Spain and the growing threat of international intervention in Iberian affairs during the unstable Second Spanish Republic of 1931-36); 4 September 1944 (the Allied invasion of Europe at Normandy and the increasing likelihood of a defeat of the Fascists by the Allies, which included the Soviet Union); 14 August 1958 (increased domestic dissent and opposition following the May-June 1958 presidential elections in which oppositionist and former regime stalwart-loyalist General Humberto Delgado garnered at least 25 percent of the national vote, but lost to regime candidate, Admiral Américo Tomás); 13 April 1961 (following the shock of anticolonial African insurgency in Portugal's colony of Angola in January-February 1961, the oppositionist hijacking of a Portuguese ocean liner off South America by Henrique Galvão, and an abortive military coup that failed to oust Salazar from office); and 19 August 1968 (the aging of key leaders in the government, including the now gravely ill Salazar, and the defection of key younger followers).
       In response to the 1961 crisis in Africa and to threats to Portuguese India from the Indian government, Salazar assumed the post of minister of defense (April 1961-December 1962). The failing leader, whose true state of health was kept from the public for as long as possible, appointed a group of younger cabinet officers in the 1960s, but no likely successors were groomed to take his place. Two of the older generation, Teotónio Pereira, who was in bad health, and Marcello Caetano, who preferred to remain at the University of Lisbon or in private law practice, remained in the political wilderness.
       As the colonial wars in three African territories grew more costly, Salazar became more isolated from reality. On 3 August 1968, while resting at his summer residence, the Fortress of São João do Estoril outside Lisbon, a deck chair collapsed beneath Salazar and his head struck the hard floor. Some weeks later, as a result, Salazar was incapacitated by a stroke and cerebral hemorrhage, was hospitalized, and became an invalid. While hesitating to fill the power vacuum that had unexpectedly appeared, President Tomás finally replaced Salazar as prime minister on 27 September 1968, with his former protégé and colleague, Marcello Caetano. Salazar was not informed that he no longer headed the government, but he never recovered his health. On 27 July 1970, Salazar died in Lisbon and was buried at Santa Comba Dão, Vimieiro, his village and place of birth.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Salazar, Antônio de Oliveira

  • 16 great

    ɡreit
    1) (of a better quality than average; important: a great writer; Churchill was a great man.) grande, gran (antes del nombre), importante
    2) (very large, larger etc than average: a great crowd of people at the football match.) grande, gran (antes del nombre)
    3) (of a high degree: Take great care of that book.) mucho; especial
    4) (very pleasant: We had a great time at the party.) maravilloso, espléndido, fantástico
    5) (clever and expert: John's great at football.) excelente, buenísimo
    •
    - greatness
    great adj
    1. gran / grande
    2. gran / importante
    3. estupendo / fenomenal
    you look great! ¡te veo fenomenal!
    tr[greɪt]
    2 (considerable, profound, intense) grande; (before sing noun) gran
    ■ it gives me great pleasure to... tengo el gran placer de...
    3 (famous, important, outstanding) grande, importante; (before sing noun) gran, importante
    4 familiar (excellent, wonderful) estupendo,-a, fantástico,-a, sensacional, fabuloso,-a
    ■ it's great to see you! ¡me alegro mucho de verte!
    ■ how was the film? - great! ¿qué tal la película! - ¡fenomenal!
    ■ what a great idea! ¡qué idea más buena!
    ■ you great brute! ¡pedazo de animal!
    1 familiar muy bien, estupendamente, fenomenal
    1 (people) los grandes nombre masculino plural, la gente nombre femenino importante
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    to be no great shakes no ser gran cosa
    to go great guns ir a las mil maravillas, ir viento en popa
    the Great Barrier Reef la Gran Barrera de Coral
    great circle círculo máximo
    the Great War la Gran Guerra, la primera Guerra Mundial
    great ['greɪt] adj
    1) large: grande
    a great mountain: una montaña grande
    a great crowd: una gran muchedumbre
    2) intense: intenso, fuerte, grande
    great pain: gran dolor
    3) eminent: grande, eminente, distinguido
    a great poet: un gran poeta
    4) excellent, terrific: excelente, estupendo, fabuloso
    to have a great time: pasarlo en grande
    5)
    a great while : mucho tiempo
    adj.
    • enorme adj.
    • garrafal adj.
    • gran adj.
    • grande adj.
    • importante adj.
    • largo, -a adj.
    • magno, -a adj.
    • mucho, -a adj.
    • pistonudo, -a adj.
    • principal adj.
    • solemne adj.
    • vasto, -a adj.

    I greɪt
    1) (before n)
    a) ( large in size) (sing) gran (delante del n); (pl) grandes (delante del n)
    b) <number/quantity> (sing) gran (delante del n); (pl) grandes (delante del n)

    there's a dirty great hole in my sock — (BrE colloq) tengo un agujerazo en el calcetín (fam)

    2) (before n)
    a) ( important) <landowner/occasion> (sing) gran (delante del n); (pl) grandes (delante del n)
    b) (genuine, real) (before n) <friend/rival> (sing) gran (delante del n); (pl) grandes (delante del n)

    I'm in no great hurry — no tengo mucha prisa, no estoy muy apurado (AmL)

    you're a great help! — (colloq & iro) valiente ayuda la tuya! (iró)

    he's a great one for starting arguments — (colloq) es único para empezar discusiones!, para empezar discusiones es (como) mandado a hacer (CS fam)

    3) ( excellent) (colloq) <goal/movie/meal> sensacional, fabuloso

    he's a really great guy — es un tipo or (Esp tb) tío sensacional (fam)

    to be great AT something: she's great at organizing things/getting people together para organizar las cosas/juntar a la gente, no hay nadie como ella; he's great at mending things se da mucha maña para hacer arreglos; (as interj) (that's) great! — qué bien!, fenomenal!, bárbaro! (fam), estupendo! (fam)


    II
    noun ( outstanding person) (colloq) estrella f, grande mf

    III
    adverb (esp AmE colloq) fenomenal (fam)
    [ɡreɪt]
    1. ADJ
    (compar greater) (superl greatest)
    1) (=huge) (in size) [house, room, object] enorme, inmenso; (in amount, number) [effort, variety] grande; [shock, surprise] verdadero, enorme

    • she lived to a great age — vivió hasta una edad muy avanzada

    • I'll take great care of it — lo cuidaré mucho

    • he didn't say a great deal — no dijo mucho

    a great deal of time/money/effort — mucho tiempo/dinero/esfuerzo

    • with great difficulty — con gran or mucha dificultad

    • to a great extent — en gran parte

    • we had great fun — lo pasamos fenomenal

    • great heavens! — † ¡Cielo Santo! †, ¡Válgame el cielo!

    • to be a great help — ser de gran ayuda

    well, you've been a great help! — iro ¡vaya ayuda la tuya!, ¡pues sí que has sido una ayuda!

    • I'm in no great hurry, I'm not in any great hurry — no tengo mucha prisa

    • you great idiot! * — ¡pedazo de idiota! *

    • a great many people believe he was right — mucha gente cree que tenía razón

    • it was a great pity you didn't come — fue una verdadera pena que no vinieses

    • with great pleasure — con gran placer

    it's my great pleasure to introduce... — es un gran placer para mí presentar a...

    • great progress has been made — se han hecho grandes progresos

    • great Scott! — † ¡Cielo Santo! †, ¡Válgame el cielo!

    • the concert was a great success — el concierto fue un enorme éxito

    gun 1., 1)
    2) (=important) [achievement, occasion, event] grande

    • the great cultural achievements of the past — los grandes logros culturales del pasado

    • one of the great issues of the day — uno de los temas más importantes del día

    • everyone said she was destined for great things — todos decían que llegaría lejos

    • great work — (=masterpiece) obra f maestra

    3) (=outstanding) [person, nation, skill] grande

    • a player of great ability — un jugador de gran habilidad

    • she has a great eye for detail — tiene muy buen ojo para los detalles

    Frederick/Peter the Great — Federico/Pedro el Grande

    5) (=real) (as intensifier) grande

    • she is a great believer in hard work — es una gran partidaria del trabajo duro

    • she's a great one for antique shops — le encantan las tiendas de antigüedades, es una fanática de las tiendas de antigüedades

    he's a great one for criticizing others — es único para criticar a los demás, se las pinta solo para criticar a los demás *

    6) * (=excellent) [person, thing, idea] estupendo, genial *

    you were great! — ¡estuviste genial! *

    it's a great idea — es una idea estupenda, es una idea genial *

    "how was the movie?" - "it was great!" — -¿que tal fue la película? -¡genial! *

    (that's) great! — ¡eso es estupendo!

    wouldn't it be great to do that? — ¿no sería fabuloso or genial hacer eso?

    camping holidays are great for kids — las vacaciones en un camping son estupendas para los críos, las vacaciones en un camping son geniales para los críos *

    • she was just great about it — se lo tomó muy bien

    • he's great at football — juega estupendamente al fútbol

    • to feel great — sentirse fenómeno or fenomenal *

    • you look great! — (=attractive) ¡estás guapísimo!; (=healthy) ¡tienes un aspecto estupendo!

    • she's great on jazz — sabe un montón de jazz *

    • the great thing is that you don't have to iron it — lo mejor de todo es que no tienes que plancharlo

    7) (Bot, Zool) grande
    2. EXCL
    1) * (=excellent)

    (oh) great! — ¡fenómeno! *, ¡fenomenal!, ¡qué bien!

    2) iro

    (oh) great! that's all I need! — ¡maravilloso! ¡eso es lo que me faltaba!

    if that's what you want to believe, great! — si es eso lo que quieres creer, allá tú

    3.
    ADV
    4.
    N (=person) grande mf

    the great and the good — hum los abonados a las buenas causas

    5.
    CPD

    the Great Barrier Reef N — la Gran Barrera de Coral, el Gran Arrecife Coralino

    the Great Bear N — (Astron) la Osa Mayor

    great tit N — paro m grande, herrerillo m grande

    GREAT, BIG, LARGE
    "Grande" shortened to "gran"
    ► Gra nde must be shortened to gran before a singular noun of either gender:
    Great Britain (La) Gran Bretaña
    Position of "grande"
    ► Put gran/ grandes before the noun in the sense of "great":
    It's a great step forward in the search for peace Es un gran paso en la búsqueda de la paz
    He is a (very) great actor Es un gran actor ► In the sense of big or large, the adjective will precede the noun in the context of a general, subjective comment. However, when there is implicit or explicit comparison with other things or people that are physically bigger or smaller, it will follow the noun:
    It's a big problem Es un gran problema
    ... the difference in price between big flats and small ones...... la diferencia de precio entre los pisos grandes y pequeños...
    ... a certain type of large passenger plane...... cierto tipo de avión grande para el transporte de pasajeros... ► Compare the following examples:
    ... a great man...... un gran hombre...
    ... a big man...... un hombre grande... For further uses and examples, see great, big, large
    * * *

    I [greɪt]
    1) (before n)
    a) ( large in size) (sing) gran (delante del n); (pl) grandes (delante del n)
    b) <number/quantity> (sing) gran (delante del n); (pl) grandes (delante del n)

    there's a dirty great hole in my sock — (BrE colloq) tengo un agujerazo en el calcetín (fam)

    2) (before n)
    a) ( important) <landowner/occasion> (sing) gran (delante del n); (pl) grandes (delante del n)
    b) (genuine, real) (before n) <friend/rival> (sing) gran (delante del n); (pl) grandes (delante del n)

    I'm in no great hurry — no tengo mucha prisa, no estoy muy apurado (AmL)

    you're a great help! — (colloq & iro) valiente ayuda la tuya! (iró)

    he's a great one for starting arguments — (colloq) es único para empezar discusiones!, para empezar discusiones es (como) mandado a hacer (CS fam)

    3) ( excellent) (colloq) <goal/movie/meal> sensacional, fabuloso

    he's a really great guy — es un tipo or (Esp tb) tío sensacional (fam)

    to be great AT something: she's great at organizing things/getting people together para organizar las cosas/juntar a la gente, no hay nadie como ella; he's great at mending things se da mucha maña para hacer arreglos; (as interj) (that's) great! — qué bien!, fenomenal!, bárbaro! (fam), estupendo! (fam)


    II
    noun ( outstanding person) (colloq) estrella f, grande mf

    III
    adverb (esp AmE colloq) fenomenal (fam)

    English-spanish dictionary > great

  • 17 Introduction

       Portugal is a small Western European nation with a large, distinctive past replete with both triumph and tragedy. One of the continent's oldest nation-states, Portugal has frontiers that are essentially unchanged since the late 14th century. The country's unique character and 850-year history as an independent state present several curious paradoxes. As of 1974, when much of the remainder of the Portuguese overseas empire was decolonized, Portuguese society appeared to be the most ethnically homogeneous of the two Iberian states and of much of Europe. Yet, Portuguese society had received, over the course of 2,000 years, infusions of other ethnic groups in invasions and immigration: Phoenicians, Greeks, Celts, Romans, Suevi, Visigoths, Muslims (Arab and Berber), Jews, Italians, Flemings, Burgundian French, black Africans, and Asians. Indeed, Portugal has been a crossroads, despite its relative isolation in the western corner of the Iberian Peninsula, between the West and North Africa, Tropical Africa, and Asia and America. Since 1974, Portugal's society has become less homogeneous, as there has been significant immigration of former subjects from its erstwhile overseas empire.
       Other paradoxes should be noted as well. Although Portugal is sometimes confused with Spain or things Spanish, its very national independence and national culture depend on being different from Spain and Spaniards. Today, Portugal's independence may be taken for granted. Since 1140, except for 1580-1640 when it was ruled by Philippine Spain, Portugal has been a sovereign state. Nevertheless, a recurring theme of the nation's history is cycles of anxiety and despair that its freedom as a nation is at risk. There is a paradox, too, about Portugal's overseas empire(s), which lasted half a millennium (1415-1975): after 1822, when Brazil achieved independence from Portugal, most of the Portuguese who emigrated overseas never set foot in their overseas empire, but preferred to immigrate to Brazil or to other countries in North or South America or Europe, where established Portuguese overseas communities existed.
       Portugal was a world power during the period 1415-1550, the era of the Discoveries, expansion, and early empire, and since then the Portuguese have experienced periods of decline, decadence, and rejuvenation. Despite the fact that Portugal slipped to the rank of a third- or fourth-rate power after 1580, it and its people can claim rightfully an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions that assure their place both in world and Western history. These distinctions should be kept in mind while acknowledging that, for more than 400 years, Portugal has generally lagged behind the rest of Western Europe, although not Southern Europe, in social and economic developments and has remained behind even its only neighbor and sometime nemesis, Spain.
       Portugal's pioneering role in the Discoveries and exploration era of the 15th and 16th centuries is well known. Often noted, too, is the Portuguese role in the art and science of maritime navigation through the efforts of early navigators, mapmakers, seamen, and fishermen. What are often forgotten are the country's slender base of resources, its small population largely of rural peasants, and, until recently, its occupation of only 16 percent of the Iberian Peninsula. As of 1139—10, when Portugal emerged first as an independent monarchy, and eventually a sovereign nation-state, England and France had not achieved this status. The Portuguese were the first in the Iberian Peninsula to expel the Muslim invaders from their portion of the peninsula, achieving this by 1250, more than 200 years before Castile managed to do the same (1492).
       Other distinctions may be noted. Portugal conquered the first overseas empire beyond the Mediterranean in the early modern era and established the first plantation system based on slave labor. Portugal's empire was the first to be colonized and the last to be decolonized in the 20th century. With so much of its scattered, seaborne empire dependent upon the safety and seaworthiness of shipping, Portugal was a pioneer in initiating marine insurance, a practice that is taken for granted today. During the time of Pombaline Portugal (1750-77), Portugal was the first state to organize and hold an industrial trade fair. In distinctive political and governmental developments, Portugal's record is more mixed, and this fact suggests that maintaining a government with a functioning rule of law and a pluralist, representative democracy has not been an easy matter in a country that for so long has been one of the poorest and least educated in the West. Portugal's First Republic (1910-26), only the third republic in a largely monarchist Europe (after France and Switzerland), was Western Europe's most unstable parliamentary system in the 20th century. Finally, the authoritarian Estado Novo or "New State" (1926-74) was the longest surviving authoritarian system in modern Western Europe. When Portugal departed from its overseas empire in 1974-75, the descendants, in effect, of Prince Henry the Navigator were leaving the West's oldest empire.
       Portugal's individuality is based mainly on its long history of distinc-tiveness, its intense determination to use any means — alliance, diplomacy, defense, trade, or empire—to be a sovereign state, independent of Spain, and on its national pride in the Portuguese language. Another master factor in Portuguese affairs deserves mention. The country's politics and government have been influenced not only by intellectual currents from the Atlantic but also through Spain from Europe, which brought new political ideas and institutions and novel technologies. Given the weight of empire in Portugal's past, it is not surprising that public affairs have been hostage to a degree to what happened in her overseas empire. Most important have been domestic responses to imperial affairs during both imperial and internal crises since 1415, which have continued to the mid-1970s and beyond. One of the most important themes of Portuguese history, and one oddly neglected by not a few histories, is that every major political crisis and fundamental change in the system—in other words, revolution—since 1415 has been intimately connected with a related imperial crisis. The respective dates of these historical crises are: 1437, 1495, 1578-80, 1640, 1820-22, 1890, 1910, 1926-30, 1961, and 1974. The reader will find greater detail on each crisis in historical context in the history section of this introduction and in relevant entries.
       LAND AND PEOPLE
       The Republic of Portugal is located on the western edge of the Iberian Peninsula. A major geographical dividing line is the Tagus River: Portugal north of it has an Atlantic orientation; the country to the south of it has a Mediterranean orientation. There is little physical evidence that Portugal is clearly geographically distinct from Spain, and there is no major natural barrier between the two countries along more than 1,214 kilometers (755 miles) of the Luso-Spanish frontier. In climate, Portugal has a number of microclimates similar to the microclimates of Galicia, Estremadura, and Andalusia in neighboring Spain. North of the Tagus, in general, there is an Atlantic-type climate with higher rainfall, cold winters, and some snow in the mountainous areas. South of the Tagus is a more Mediterranean climate, with hot, dry, often rainless summers and cool, wet winters. Lisbon, the capital, which has a fifth of the country's population living in its region, has an average annual mean temperature about 16° C (60° F).
       For a small country with an area of 92,345 square kilometers (35,580 square miles, including the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and the Madeiras), which is about the size of the state of Indiana in the United States, Portugal has a remarkable diversity of regional topography and scenery. In some respects, Portugal resembles an island within the peninsula, embodying a unique fusion of European and non-European cultures, akin to Spain yet apart. Its geography is a study in contrasts, from the flat, sandy coastal plain, in some places unusually wide for Europe, to the mountainous Beira districts or provinces north of the Tagus, to the snow-capped mountain range of the Estrela, with its unique ski area, to the rocky, barren, remote Trás-os-Montes district bordering Spain. There are extensive forests in central and northern Portugal that contrast with the flat, almost Kansas-like plains of the wheat belt in the Alentejo district. There is also the unique Algarve district, isolated somewhat from the Alentejo district by a mountain range, with a microclimate, topography, and vegetation that resemble closely those of North Africa.
       Although Portugal is small, just 563 kilometers (337 miles) long and from 129 to 209 kilometers (80 to 125 miles) wide, it is strategically located on transportation and communication routes between Europe and North Africa, and the Americas and Europe. Geographical location is one key to the long history of Portugal's three overseas empires, which stretched once from Morocco to the Moluccas and from lonely Sagres at Cape St. Vincent to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It is essential to emphasize the identity of its neighbors: on the north and east Portugal is bounded by Spain, its only neighbor, and by the Atlantic Ocean on the south and west. Portugal is the westernmost country of Western Europe, and its shape resembles a face, with Lisbon below the nose, staring into the
       Atlantic. No part of Portugal touches the Mediterranean, and its Atlantic orientation has been a response in part to turning its back on Castile and Léon (later Spain) and exploring, traveling, and trading or working in lands beyond the peninsula. Portugal was the pioneering nation in the Atlantic-born European discoveries during the Renaissance, and its diplomatic and trade relations have been dominated by countries that have been Atlantic powers as well: Spain; England (Britain since 1707); France; Brazil, once its greatest colony; and the United States.
       Today Portugal and its Atlantic islands have a population of roughly 10 million people. While ethnic homogeneity has been characteristic of it in recent history, Portugal's population over the centuries has seen an infusion of non-Portuguese ethnic groups from various parts of Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. Between 1500 and 1800, a significant population of black Africans, brought in as slaves, was absorbed in the population. And since 1950, a population of Cape Verdeans, who worked in menial labor, has resided in Portugal. With the influx of African, Goan, and Timorese refugees and exiles from the empire—as many as three quarters of a million retornados ("returned ones" or immigrants from the former empire) entered Portugal in 1974 and 1975—there has been greater ethnic diversity in the Portuguese population. In 2002, there were 239,113 immigrants legally residing in Portugal: 108,132 from Africa; 24,806 from Brazil; 15,906 from Britain; 14,617 from Spain; and 11,877 from Germany. In addition, about 200,000 immigrants are living in Portugal from eastern Europe, mainly from Ukraine. The growth of Portugal's population is reflected in the following statistics:
       1527 1,200,000 (estimate only)
       1768 2,400,000 (estimate only)
       1864 4,287,000 first census
       1890 5,049,700
       1900 5,423,000
       1911 5,960,000
       1930 6,826,000
       1940 7,185,143
       1950 8,510,000
       1960 8,889,000
       1970 8,668,000* note decrease
       1980 9,833,000
       1991 9,862,540
       1996 9,934,100
       2006 10,642,836
       2010 10,710,000 (estimated)

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Introduction

  • 18 Anglo-Portuguese Alliance

       The world's oldest diplomatic connection and alliance, an enduring arrangement between two very different nations and peoples, with important practical consequences in the domestic and foreign affairs of both Great Britain (England before 1707) and Portugal. The history of this remarkable alliance, which has had commercial and trade, political, foreign policy, cultural, and imperial aspects, can be outlined in part with a list of the main alliance treaties after the first treaty of commerce and friendship signed between the monarchs of England and Portugal in 1373. This was followed in 1386 by the Treaty of Windsor; then in 1654, 1661, 1703, the Methuen Treaty; and in 1810 and 1899 another treaty also signed at Windsor.
       Common interests in the defense of the nation and its overseas empire (in the case of Portugal, after 1415; in the case of England, after 1650) were partly based on characteristics and common enemies both countries shared. Even in the late Middle Ages, England and Portugal faced common enemies: large continental countries that threatened the interests and sovereignty of both, especially France and Spain. In this sense, the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance has always been a defensive alliance in which each ally would assist the other when necessary against its enemies. In the case of Portugal, that enemy invariably was Spain (or component states thereof, such as Castile and Leon) and sometimes France (i.e., when Napoleon's armies invaded and conquered Portugal as of late 1807). In the case of England, that foe was often France and sometimes Spain as well.
       Beginning in the late 14th century, England and Portugal forged this unusual relationship, formalized with several treaties that came into direct use during a series of dynastic, imperial, naval, and commercial conflicts between 1373 and 1961, the historic period when the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance had its most practical political significance. The relative world power and importance of each ally has varied over the centuries. During the period 1373-1580, the allies were similar in respective ranking in European affairs, and during the period 1480-1550, if anything, Portugal was a greater world power with a more important navy than England. During 1580-1810, Portugal fell to the status of a third-rank European power and, during 1810-1914, England was perhaps the premier world power. During 1914-61, England's world position slipped while Portugal made a slow recovery but remained a third- or fourth-rank power.
       The commercial elements of the alliance have always involved an exchange of goods between two seafaring, maritime peoples with different religions and political systems but complementary economies. The 1703 Methuen Treaty establ ished a trade link that endured for centuries and bore greater advantages for England than for Portugal, although Portugal derived benefits: English woolens for Portuguese wines, especially port, other agricultural produce, and fish. Since the signing of the Methuen Treaty, there has been a vigorous debate both in politics and in historical scholarship as to how much each nation benefited economically from the arrangement in which Portugal eventually became dependent upon England and the extent to which Portugal became a kind of economic colony of Britain during the period from 1703 to 1910.
       There is a vast literature on the Alliance, much of it in Portuguese and by Portuguese writers, which is one expression of the development of modern Portuguese nationalism. During the most active phase of the alliance, from 1650 to 1945, there is no doubt but that the core of the mutual interests of the allies amounted to the proposition that Portugal's independence as a nation in Iberia and the integrity of its overseas empire, the third largest among the colonial powers as of 1914, were defended by England, who in turn benefited from the use by the Royal Navy of Portugal's home and colonial ports in times of war and peace. A curious impact on Portuguese and popular usage had also come about and endured through the impact of dealings with the English allies. The idiom in Portuguese, "é para inglês ver," means literally "it is for the Englishman to see," but figuratively it really means, "it is merely for show."
       The practical defense side of the alliance was effectively dead by the end of World War II, but perhaps the most definitive indication of the end of the political significance of an alliance that still continues in other spheres occurred in December 1961, when the army of the Indian Union invaded Portugal's colonial enclaves in western India, Goa, Damão, and Diu. While both nations were now North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies, their interests clashed when it came to imperial and Commonwealth conflicts and policies. Portugal asked Britain for military assistance in the use of British bases against the army of Britain's largest former colony, India. But Portugal was, in effect, refused assistance by her oldest ally. If the alliance continues into the 21st century, its essence is historical, nostalgic, commercial, and cultural.
        See also Catherine of Braganza.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Anglo-Portuguese Alliance

  • 19 credit

    'kredit
    1. noun
    1) (time allowed for payment of goods etc after they have been received: We don't give credit at this shop.) crédito
    2) (money loaned (by a bank).) crédito
    3) (trustworthiness regarding ability to pay for goods etc: Your credit is good.) solvencia
    4) ((an entry on) the side of an account on which payments received are entered: Our credits are greater than our debits.) haber
    5) (the sum of money which someone has in an account at a bank: Your credit amounts to 2,014 dollars.) saldo
    6) (belief or trust: This theory is gaining credit.) crédito, credibilidad
    7) ((American) a certificate to show that a student has completed a course which counts towards his degree.) crédito

    2. verb
    1) (to enter (a sum of money) on the credit side (of an account): This cheque was credited to your account last month.) abonar, ingresar
    2) ((with with) to think of (a person or thing) as having: He was credited with magical powers.) atribuir
    3) (to believe (something) to be possible: Well, would you credit that!) creer
    •
    - creditably
    - creditor
    - credits
    - credit card
    - be a credit to someone
    - be a credit to
    - do someone credit
    - do credit
    - give someone credit for something
    - give credit for something
    - give someone credit
    - give credit
    - on credit
    - take the credit for something
    - take credit for something
    - take the credit
    - take credit
    1. mérito
    2. crédito
    tr['kredɪt]
    1 (praise, approval) mérito, reconocimiento
    3 (belief, trust, confidence) crédito
    4 SMALLFINANCE/SMALL (gen) crédito; (in accountancy) haber nombre masculino; (on statement) saldo acreedor
    5 SMALLEDUCATION/SMALL crédito
    1 (believe) creer, dar crédito a
    2 SMALLFINANCE/SMALL abonar, acreditar
    1 (of film, programme) ficha técnica
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    credit where credit's due reconocimiento al mérito
    'No credit given' "No se fía"
    on credit a crédito
    to be a credit to somebody/something hacer honor a alguien/algo
    ■ your son is a credit to you puede estar orgulloso de su hijo, su hijo le hace honor
    to be in credit tener saldo positivo
    to buy something on credit comprar algo a crédito
    to give somebody credit for something reconocer a alguien el mérito por algo
    to have something to one's credit tener algo a sus espaldas
    to somebody's credit dicho sea en honor de alguien
    to take credit for something atribuirse el mérito de algo
    credit account cuenta a crédito
    credit balance saldo positivo
    credit card tarjeta de crédito
    credit note vale nombre masculino de devolución
    credit squeeze restricciones nombre femenino plural al crédito
    interest-free credit crédito sin intereses
    credit ['krɛdɪt] vt
    1) believe: creer, dar crédito a
    2) : ingresar, abonar
    to credit $100 to an account: ingresar $100 en (una) cuenta
    3) attribute: atribuir
    they credit the invention to him: a él se le atribuye el invento
    1) : saldo m positivo, saldo m a favor (de una cuenta)
    2) : crédito m
    to buy on credit: comprar a crédito
    credit card: tarjeta de crédito
    3) credence: crédito m
    I gave credit to everything he said: di crédito a todo lo que dijo
    4) recognition: reconocimiento m
    5) : orgullo m, honor m
    she's a credit to the school: ella es el orgullo de la escuela
    adj.
    • crediticio, -a adj.
    n.
    • crédito s.m.
    • haber s.m.
    • mérito s.m.
    • precio s.m.
    v.
    • abonar v.
    • acreditar v.
    • creer v.
    • datar v.

    I 'kredət, 'kredɪt
    1) ( Fin)
    a) u ( in store) crédito m

    on credit — a crédito; (before n)

    credit account — (BrE) credicuenta f, cuenta f de or a crédito

    b) u ( in banking)

    if your account is in credit... — si está en números negros..., si tiene fondos en su cuenta...

    to keep one's account in credit — mantener* un saldo positivo; (before n)

    credit balance — saldo m positivo

    credit limit — límite m de crédito

    credit memorandum o (BrE) note — ( given by store) vale m de devolución

    credit rating — calificación f crediticia

    c) c ( on balance sheet) saldo m acreedor or a favor
    2) u (honor, recognition) mérito m

    to her credit, she's very modest — dicho sea en su honor, es muy modesta

    credit where it's due, she's a good cook — en honor a la verdad, hay que reconocer que cocina muy bien

    3) c ( Educ)
    b) ( grade) ≈notable m
    4) credits pl (Cin, TV, Video) créditos mpl, rótulos mpl (de crédito)

    II
    1) \<\<sum/funds\>\>

    to credit something TO something — abonar or ingresar algo en algo

    2)

    to credit somebody WITH something/-ING: I'd credited you with more common sense te creía con más sentido común; please, credit me with some intelligence reconóceme algo de inteligencia, por favor; they are credited with having invented the game — se les atribuye la invención del juego

    b) ( believe) creer*, dar* crédito a

    can you credit it? — ¿te lo puedes creer?, ¿no te parece increíble?

    ['kredɪt]
    1. N
    1) (Econ)
    a) (in account) (=positive balance)

    • his account is in credit — su cuenta tiene saldo positivo or está en números negros

    as long as you stay in credit or keep your account in credit — mientras pueda mantener un saldo positivo

    • you have £10 to your credit — tiene 10 libras en el haber, tiene un saldo a favor de 10 libras

    letter 1., 2)
    b) (for purchases) crédito m

    is his credit good? — ¿se le puede dar crédito sin riesgo?

    • to give sb credit — conceder un crédito a algn

    • interest-free credit — crédito m sin intereses

    • to buy sth on credit — comprar algo a crédito or a plazos

    credit terms available — se vende a plazos, facilidades de pago

    c) (Accounting) saldo m acreedor, saldo m positivo

    • on the credit side — (lit) en el haber; (fig) entre los aspectos positivos

    2) (=honour) honor m

    he's a credit to his family — es un orgullo para su familia, honra a su familia

    • it does you credit — dice mucho a tu favor, te honra

    • to his credit, I must point out that... — debo decir en su favor que...

    3) (=recognition) mérito m

    • they deserve credit for not giving up — merecen que se les reconozca el mérito de no haberse rendido

    • credit where it's or credit's due — a cada uno según sus méritos

    • to get the credit (for sth) — llevarse el mérito (de algo)

    • to give sb credit for (doing) sth — reconocer a algn el mérito de (haber hecho) algo

    • to take the credit for (doing) sth — llevarse el mérito de (haber hecho) algo

    4) (=credence)

    • he's a lot better than people give him credit for — es bastante mejor que lo que la gente cree

    • I have to give some credit to his story — tengo que reconocer que su historia tiene algo de verdad

    5) credits (Cine, TV) (=titles) títulos mpl de crédito, créditos mpl ; (=achievements) logros mpl
    6) (esp US) (Univ) (=award) crédito m, unidad f de valor académico
    2. VT
    1) (=believe) creer

    • it's hard to credit that such things went on — es difícil de creer que pasaran cosas semejantes

    • would you credit it! — ¡parece mentira!

    2) (=attribute)

    • I credited him with more sense — le creía más sensato

    credit me with some sense! — ¡no me tomes por idiota!

    3) (Comm) [+ money, interest] abonar, ingresar

    • the money was credited to his account — el dinero se abonó or se ingresó en su cuenta

    • we credit you with the interest monthly — le abonamos or ingresamos el interés mensualmente

    3.
    CPD

    credit account N — cuenta f de crédito

    credit agency N — agencia f de créditos

    credit balance N — saldo m acreedor, saldo m positivo

    credit bureau N — (US) oficina f de crédito

    credit card N — tarjeta f de crédito

    credit control N — control m del crédito

    credit crunch N — restricciones fpl al crédito

    credit entry N — anotación f en el haber

    credit facilities NPL — facilidades fpl de crédito

    credit history N — [of person] historial m crediticio, informe m de solvencia

    credit hour N — (US) ≈ hora f de crédito

    credit limit N — límite m de crédito

    credit line N — línea f de crédito

    credit note N — nota f de crédito

    credit rating N — clasificación f crediticia; (fig) credibilidad f

    credit reference N — informe m de crédito

    • to be a (bad)credit risk — presentar riesgo crediticio

    • to be a good credit risk — no presentar riesgo crediticio

    credit slip (US) N — comprobante m del crédito

    credit squeeze N — restricciones fpl de crédito

    credit union N — cooperativa f de crédito

    * * *

    I ['kredət, 'kredɪt]
    1) ( Fin)
    a) u ( in store) crédito m

    on credit — a crédito; (before n)

    credit account — (BrE) credicuenta f, cuenta f de or a crédito

    b) u ( in banking)

    if your account is in credit... — si está en números negros..., si tiene fondos en su cuenta...

    to keep one's account in credit — mantener* un saldo positivo; (before n)

    credit balance — saldo m positivo

    credit limit — límite m de crédito

    credit memorandum o (BrE) note — ( given by store) vale m de devolución

    credit rating — calificación f crediticia

    c) c ( on balance sheet) saldo m acreedor or a favor
    2) u (honor, recognition) mérito m

    to her credit, she's very modest — dicho sea en su honor, es muy modesta

    credit where it's due, she's a good cook — en honor a la verdad, hay que reconocer que cocina muy bien

    3) c ( Educ)
    b) ( grade) ≈notable m
    4) credits pl (Cin, TV, Video) créditos mpl, rótulos mpl (de crédito)

    II
    1) \<\<sum/funds\>\>

    to credit something TO something — abonar or ingresar algo en algo

    2)

    to credit somebody WITH something/-ING: I'd credited you with more common sense te creía con más sentido común; please, credit me with some intelligence reconóceme algo de inteligencia, por favor; they are credited with having invented the game — se les atribuye la invención del juego

    b) ( believe) creer*, dar* crédito a

    can you credit it? — ¿te lo puedes creer?, ¿no te parece increíble?

    English-spanish dictionary > credit

  • 20 enhance

    (to make to appear greater or better.) realzar, acrecentar, aumentar
    tr[ɪn'hɑːns]
    1 (beauty, taste) realzar; (quality, performance, chances) mejorar; (power, reputation, value) aumentar
    2 SMALLCOMPUTING/SMALL procesar
    enhance [ɪn'hænts, ɛn-] vt, - hanced ; - hancing : realzar, aumentar, mejorar
    v.
    • abrillantar v.
    • aumentar v.
    • engrandecer v.
    • mejorar v.
    • realzar v.
    • reforzar v.
    ɪn'hæns, ɪn'hɑːns
    transitive verb \<\<beauty/taste\>\> realzar*, dar* realce a; \<\<value\>\> aumentar; \<\<reputation/performance\>\> mejorar
    [ɪn'hɑːns]
    VT [+ beauty, attraction] realzar, dar realce a; [+ position, reputation, chances] mejorar; [+ value, powers] aumentar
    * * *
    [ɪn'hæns, ɪn'hɑːns]
    transitive verb \<\<beauty/taste\>\> realzar*, dar* realce a; \<\<value\>\> aumentar; \<\<reputation/performance\>\> mejorar

    English-spanish dictionary > enhance

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  • Greater Cleveland — Area   CSA   Cleveland …   Wikipedia

  • Powers Music School — is a musical institution serving New England for over 30 years. The Powers Music School is a community music center based in Belmont, Massachusetts. The School provides private music lessons and group classes to over 1000 students throughout… …   Wikipedia

  • Greater Italy — ( Italian: Grande Italia ), or Imperial Italy, was an ambitious project envisioned by fascist Italy in which the objective was to create an Italian empire which would expand, in addition to the irredentist claimed territories (Corsica, Nice,… …   Wikipedia

  • Greater Toronto Services Board — was created in 1998 under the Greater Toronto Services Act by the province of Ontario and began sessions in 1999. It was created following the amalgamation of the City of Toronto. In some ways it was seen as a replacement for Metro Toronto… …   Wikipedia

  • Powers and Perils — Powers Perils is a role playing game written by Richard Snider and published by Avalon Hill in 1983 as a boxed set. It consisted of four main rule books (The Character Book, Combat and Magic, The Creature Book, and Treasure and Human Encounters)… …   Wikipedia

  • Greater Bulgaria — is term to identify the territory associated with a historical national state and a modern Bulgarian irredentist nationalist movement which would include the plain between the Danube and the Balkan mountain range (Stara Planina), Northern and… …   Wikipedia

  • Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere — Poster of Manchukuo promoting harmony between Japanese, Chinese, and Manchu. The caption, written from right to left, says: With the help of Japan, China, and Manchukuo, the world can be in peace. The flags shown are, left to right: the flag of… …   Wikipedia

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