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Dokar kasa da kasa

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Dokar kasa da kasa
academic discipline (en) Fassara, area of law (en) Fassara da type of law (en) Fassara
Bayanai
Ƙaramin ɓangare naDoka
Bangare nainternational and comparative law (en) Fassara
Fuskarinternational relations (mul) Fassara
Foundational text (en) FassaraYarjejeniya ta Majalisar Dinkin Duniya
Babban tsarin rubutuUnited Nations General Assembly Resolution 2625 (en) Fassara
Tarihin maudu'ihistory of international law (en) Fassara
Gudanarwaninternational law scholar (en) Fassara da international lawyer (en) Fassara

Dokar kasa da kasa, wanda aka fi sani da Dokar kasa da kasa ta jama'a da dokar kasashe, ita ce tsarin dokoki, ka'idoji, al'adun shari'a da ka'idojin da jihohin da sauran 'yan wasan kwaikwayo ke jin wajibi, kuma gabaɗaya suna yin biyayya a cikin dangantakarsu. A cikin dangantakar kasa da kasa, 'yan wasan kwaikwayo kawai mutane ne da ƙungiyoyi masu haɗin gwiwa, kamar jihohi, ƙungiyoyin ƙasa da ƙasa, da ƙungiyoyin da ba na ƙasa ba, waɗanda zasu iya yin zaɓin halayyar, ko doka ne ko haramtacce. Dokoki na yau da kullun ne, yawanci rubuce-rubucen da ake buƙata waɗanda ke tsara halayyar da ake buƙatu, yayin da ka'idoji ba su da kyau, sau da yawa ba a rubuta jagororin da ba su da mahimmanci game da halayyar kirki waɗanda aka tsara ta al'ada da al'adar zamantakewa. Ya kafa ka'idoji ga jihohi a fadin yankuna masu yaƙi, gami da yaki da diflomasiyya, Dangantakar tattalin arziki, da haƙƙin ɗan adam. Dokar kasa da kasa ta bambanta da tsarin shari'ar cikin gida na jihar saboda tana aiki da yawa ta hanyar yarda rai, tunda babu ikon da aka yarda da shi a duniya don aiwatar da shi a kan Jihohi masu zaman kansu. Jihohi da wadanda ba na kasa ba na iya zaɓar kada su bi dokar kasa da kasa, har ma da karya yarjejeniya, amma irin waɗannan keta doka, musamman na Ka'idoji masu tsattsauran ra'ayi, wasu na iya saduwa da rashin amincewa da su kuma a wasu lokuta matakai masu tilastawa ciki har da diflomasiyya, Takunkumin tattalin arziki, da yaƙi. Rashin iko na ƙarshe a cikin dokar kasa da kasa na iya haifar da bambance-bambance masu yawa. Wannan wani bangare ne na tasirin jihohin da ke iya fassara dokar kasa da kasa a hanyar da suke ganin ya dace, wanda zai iya haifar da matsayi mai matsala wanda ke da manyan tasirin gida.

tushen dokar kasa da kasa sun hada da al'adun kasa da kasa (al'amarin jihar da aka karɓa a matsayin doka), yarjejeniyoyi, da ka'idojin doka da yawancin tsarin shari'a na kasa suka amince da su. Kodayake ana iya nuna dokar kasa da kasa a cikin cin gashin kanta ta kasa da kasa - ayyukan da jihohi suka dauka don kula da kyakkyawar dangantaka da kuma amincewa da juna - irin waɗannan al'adun ba su da doka. Tunda dangantaka mai kyau ta fi muhimmanci a kiyaye tare da jihohi masu iko, za su iya rinjayar wasu a cikin batun abin da ke doka da abin da ba shi ba. Wannan shi ne saboda suna iya haifar da sakamako mai tsanani a kan wasu jihohi, wanda ke ba su kalma ta ƙarshe. dangantaka da hulɗa tsakanin tsarin shari'a na ƙasa da dokar kasa da kasa suna da rikitarwa kuma suna da bambanci. Dokar ƙasa na iya zama dokar ƙasa da ƙasa lokacin da yarjejeniyoyi suka ba da izinin ikon ƙasa ga kotuna masu yawa kamar Kotun Kare Hakkin Dan Adam ta Turai ko Kotun Laifuka ta Duniya. Yarjejeniyoyi irin su Yarjejeniyar Geneva suna buƙatar dokar ƙasa ta bi tanadin yarjejeniyar. Dokokin ƙasa ko kundin tsarin mulki na iya samar da aiwatarwa ko hadewar wajibai na shari'a na kasa da kasa cikin dokar cikin gida.

Kalmomin

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Kalmar zamani "dokar kasa da kasa" ta samo asali ne daga Jeremy Bentham a cikin littafinsa na 1789 Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation don maye gurbin tsohuwar dokar kasashe, fassarar kai tsaye na ra'ayoyin zamani na Ius gentium, wanda Hugo Grotius ya yi amfani da shi, da kuma droits des gens, wanda Emer de Vattel ya yi amfani dashi. [1][2]An yi muhawara game da ma'anar dokar kasa da kasa; Bentham ya yi nuni musamman ga dangantakar da ke tsakanin jihohi wanda aka soki shi saboda ƙarancin iyakarsa.[3]Lassa Oppenheim ya bayyana shi a cikin littafinsa a matsayin "doka tsakanin jihohi masu zaman kansu da daidaito bisa ga yardar waɗannan jihohi" kuma wannan ma'anar ta fi dacewa da malaman shari'a na duniya.[4]

Akwai bambanci tsakanin dokar kasa da kasa ta jama'a da masu zaman kansu; wannan na ƙarshe ya damu da ko kotuna na ƙasa na iya da'awar iko a kan shari'o'i tare da bangare na ƙasashen waje da kuma amfani da hukunce-hukuncen ƙasashen waje a cikin dokar cikin gida, yayin da dokar kasa da ƙasa ta jama'ar ta rufe dokoki tare da asalin ƙasa.[5]Dokar kasa da kasa ta jama'a ita ce sashi na dokar kasa da kasa wacce ke jagorantar halayyar jihohi da kungiyoyin gwamnati, da kuma wasu daga cikin alakarsu da (na doka). Bambanci tsakanin bangarorin biyu na doka an yi muhawara yayin da masana ba su yarda da yanayin dangantakarsu ba. Joseph Story, wanda ya samo asali da kalmar "dokar kasa da kasa mai zaman kanta, " ya jaddada cewa dole ne a gudanar da shi ta hanyar ka'idodin dokar kasa da kasa ta jama'a amma wasu masana suna kallon su a matsayin ƙungiyoyin doka daban-daban.[5][6]Wani lokaci, dokar kasa da kasa, ana amfani da ita don komawa ga tsarin dokokin kasa da kasa da suka wuce jihar, kodayake wasu masana kimiyya sun jaddada cewa ya bambanta da kowane nau'in doka. Philip Jessup ya bayyana shi a matsayin "duk dokar da ke tsara ayyukan ko abubuwan da suka wuce iyakokin ƙasa".[7]

Wani ra'ayi na baya-bayan nan shine dokar kasa, wanda aka bayyana a cikin takarda ta 1969 a matsayin "[a] sabon kalma a cikin ƙamus na siyasa".[8]Tsarin dokar kasa da kasa ya taso ne lokacin da kasashe suka ba da haƙƙinsu na yanke shawara ga tsarin shari'a da majalisa, wanda ke da haƙƙin yin dokoki waɗanda ke da tasiri kai tsaye a kowace jiha memba. [8][9]An bayyana wannan a matsayin "mataki na hadin kan kasa da kasa fiye da kawai hadin kan gwamnatoci duk da haka har yanzu ba su da tsarin tarayya".[8]Misali mafi yawanci na tsarin sama da kasa shine Tarayyar Turai.[9]

Hittite version of the Treaty of Kadesh, daga cikin farkon misalan yarjejeniyar kasa da kasa [10]

Tsohon zamani

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Tare da asalin da ya koma zamanin d ̄ a, jihohi suna da dogon tarihi na tattauna yarjejeniyar jihohi.[11] Tsohon Romawa ne suka tsara tsarin farko kuma masana kimiyya daban-daban sun yi amfani da wannan ra'ayin na Ius gentium don kafa manufar zamani ta dokar kasa da kasa. Daga cikin misalai na farko da aka rubuta akwai yarjejeniya zaman lafiya tsakanin biranen Mesopotamiya na Lagash da Umma (kimanin 3100 KZ), da kuma yarjejeniya tsakanin Fir'auna na Masar, Ramesses II, da Sarkin Hitti, wanda aka kammala a 1279 KZ.[10]An tattauna yarjejeniyoyi da yarjejeniyoyi tsakanin jihohi kuma an amince da su ta hanyar siyasa a duk faɗin duniya, daga gabashin Bahar Rum zuwa Gabashin Asiya.[11]A Tsohon Girka, an tattauna yarjejeniyar zaman lafiya da yawa tsakanin biranen da, wani lokaci, tare da jihohin makwabta.[10]Daular Romawa ta kafa tsarin tunani na farko don dokar kasa da kasa, jus gentium, wanda ke jagorantar matsayin baƙi da ke zaune a Roma da kuma dangantakar da ke tsakanin baƙi da ''Yan ƙasar Romawa.[10][11]Da yake karɓar ra'ayin Helenanci na dokar halitta, Romawa sun ɗauki jus gentium a matsayin na duniya.[10]Koyaya, ya bambanta da dokar ƙasa da ƙasa ta zamani, dokar Romawa ta shafi dangantaka da kuma tsakanin 'yan kasashen waje maimakon tsakanin sassan siyasa kamar jihohi.[10]

Farawa tare da Lokacin bazara da kaka na karni na takwas KZ, an raba kasar Sin zuwa jihohi da yawa waɗanda galibi suna yaƙi da juna. Dokoki don diflomasiyya da yin yarjejeniya sun fito, gami da ra'ayoyi game da dalilan da suka dace don yaƙi, haƙƙin jam'iyyun tsaka-tsaki, da karfafawa da rarraba jihohi; waɗannan ra'ayoyin ana amfani da su a wasu lokuta ga dangantaka da Barbarians tare da iyakar yammacin China bayan Tsakiyar Tsakiya.[12][13]Lokacin Yaki Jihohi na gaba ya ga ci gaban manyan makarantu biyu na tunani, Confucianism da Legalism, dukansu biyu sun riƙe cewa bangarorin Shari'a na cikin gida da na duniya suna da alaƙa da juna, kuma sun nemi kafa ka'idojin da suka dace don jagorantar alakar kasashen waje.[13][12]Hakazalika, an raba Yankin Indiya zuwa jihohi daban-daban, waɗanda a tsawon lokaci suka haɓaka ka'idojin tsaka-tsaki, Dokar yarjejeniya, da halayyar ƙasa da ƙasa, kuma suka kafa ofisoshin jakadancin na wucin gadi da na dindindin.[14][15]

Zamanin Tsakiya

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Bayan faduwar Daular Romawa ta Yamma a karni na biyar AZ, Turai ta ragargaje zuwa jihohi masu yawa masu yawan yaƙi na yawancin ƙarni biyar masu zuwa. An warwatsa ikon siyasa a cikin ƙungiyoyi da yawa, gami da Ikilisiya, jihohin Kasuwanci, da mulkoki, mafi yawansu suna da iko da ke canzawa. Kamar yadda yake a kasar Sin da Indiya, wadannan rarrabuwar sun haifar da ci gaban ka'idojin da aka tsara don samar da dangantaka mai dorewa da kuma tsinkaye. Misalan farko sun haɗa da dokar canon, wanda ke jagorantar cibiyoyin coci da malamai a duk faɗin Turai; lex mercatoria ("dokar kasuwanci"), wanda ya shafi kasuwanci da kasuwanci; da kuma ka'idoji daban-daban na Dokar teku, kamar Rolls of Oléron - da nufin tsara jigilar kaya a Arewa maso yammacin Turai - da kuma Dokokin Wisby na baya, wanda aka kafa tsakanin Ƙungiyar Hanseatic ta arewacin Turai da Yankin Baltic.

A cikin duniyar Islama, Muhammad al-Shaybani ya buga Al-Siyar Al-Kabīr a cikin karni na takwas, wanda ya zama muhimmiyar aiki ga siyar, wani ɓangare na dokar Sharia, wanda ke mulkin alakar kasashen waje.[16][17]Wannan ya dogara ne akan rarraba duniya zuwa kashi uku: dar al-Islam, inda dokar Islama ta yi nasara; dar al-sulh, yankunan da ba na Islama ba waɗanda suka kammala armistice tare da gwamnatin musulmi; da dar al-harb, ƙasashen da ba na Musulunci ba waɗanda aka kalubalanci ta hanyar jihadi.[18][19]Ka'idodin shari'ar Islama game da halayyar soja sun zama farkon dokar jin kai ta duniya ta zamani da kuma iyakancewar halayyar sojoji, gami da jagororin fara yaƙi, rarrabe tsakanin fararen hula da mayakan da kula da marasa lafiya da waɗanda suka ji rauni.[20][16]

A lokacin Tsakiyar Tsakiya ta Turai, dokar kasa da kasa ta damu da manufar da halattacciyar yaki, neman tantance abin da ya zama "yaƙi kawai".[10]Tunanin Girka da Romawa na dokar halitta an haɗa shi da ka'idodin addini ta hanyar masanin falsafar Yahudawa Maimonides (1135-1204) da masanin tauhidin Kirista Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274) don ƙirƙirar sabon horo na "dokar al'ummai", wanda ba kamar wanda ya riga shi Roman ba, ya yi amfani da dokar halitta ga dangantaka tsakanin jihohi.[10][21]A cikin Islama, an haɓaka irin wannan tsarin inda aka samo dokar al'ummai, a wani ɓangare, daga ka'idoji da dokoki da aka tsara a cikin yarjejeniyoyi tare da wadanda ba Musulmai ba.[18]

Renaissance da fitowar dokar kasa da kasa ta zamani

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Karni na 15 ya ga haɗuwa da abubuwan da suka ba da gudummawa ga hanzarin ci gaban dokar kasa da kasa. An dauki lauyan Italiya Bartolus na Saxoferrato (1313-1357) a matsayin wanda ya kafa Dokar kasa da kasa mai zaman kanta. Wani lauyan Italiyanci, Baldus na Ubaldis (1327-1400), an dauke shi a ko'ina a zamaninsa a matsayin iko a kan Corpus Juris Civilis, tarin karni na shida na Justinian I na dokar Romawa wanda daga baya ya kafa tushe na koyar da dokar Romawa a jami'o'i na zamani; ta hanyar laccocinsa, ya ba da sharhi da tattara dokar Roman, Ikklisiya, da feudal.[22] Francisco na Vitoria (1486-1546), wanda ya damu da yadda Spain ke bi da 'Yan asalin ƙasar, ya kira dokar kasashe a matsayin tushen mutuncin da hakkinsu, yana bayyana farkon daidaito tsakanin mutane.[23]Don aikinsa mai zurfi a kan batun, an kira shi mai kirkirar dokar kasa da kasa ta zamani.[40]Francisco Suárez (1548-1617), daga Makarantar Salamanca da Vitoria ta kafa, ya jaddada cewa an kafa dokar kasa da kasa a kan dokar halitta da dokar mutum mai kyau.[8]Alberico Gentili (1552-1608) ya ɗauki ra'ayi na duniya ga dokar ƙasa da ƙasa, ya rubuta littattafai daban-daban kan batutuwan da suka shafi dokar ƙasa da kasa, musamman Dokar Yaƙi, wanda ya ba da cikakken sharhi game da dokokin yaƙi da yarjejeniyoyi.[10][10]

Hoton lauyan Holland Hugo Grotius

Masanin shari'a na Dutch Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) an dauke shi a matsayin uban dokar kasa da kasa, kasancewar yana daya daga cikin malaman farko da suka tsara tsarin kasa da kasa wanda ya kunshi "al'umma na jihohi" wanda ba ta hanyar karfi ko yaƙi ba amma ta hanyar ainihin dokoki, yarjejeniyar juna, da al'adu. [8][24]Grotius ya lalata dokar kasa da kasa; aikinsa na 1625, De Jure Belli ac Pacis, ya kafa tsarin ka'idojin dokar halitta wanda ke ɗaure dukkan al'ummomi ba tare da la'akari da al'ada ko doka ba. [16][8]Ya yi wahayi zuwa ga makarantu biyu na shari'ar kasa da kasa, masu ilimin halitta da masu ra'ayi.[8]A cikin tsohon sansanin shi ne lauyan Jamus Samuel von Pufendorf (1632-1694), wanda ya jaddada fifikon dokar yanayi a kan jihohi.[10][16]Ayyukansa na 1672, Of the Law of Nature and Nations, sun fadada kan ka'idodin Grotius kuma sun kafa dokar halitta ga tunani da duniyar duniya, suna tabbatar da cewa tana tsara ayyukan waje ne kawai na jihohi.[10]Pufendorf ya kalubalanci Ra'ayin Hobbesian cewa yanayin yanayi na yaki ne da rikici, yana jayayya cewa yanayin halitta na duniya a zahiri yana da zaman lafiya amma yana da rauni kuma ba shi da tabbas ba tare da bin dokar al'ummai ba.[25]Ayyukan jihar ba su da wani abu sai jimlar mutane a cikin wannan jihar, don haka suna buƙatar jihar ta yi amfani da ka'idar dalili, wanda shine tushen dokar halitta. Ya kasance daga cikin malaman farko da suka fadada dokar kasa da kasa fiye da kasashe na Kirista na Turai, yana ba da shawara don aikace-aikacensa da kuma amincewa tsakanin dukkan mutane bisa ga haɗin kai.[25]

Sabanin haka, marubutan positivist, kamar Richard Zouche (1590-1661) a Ingila da Cornelis van Bynkershoek (1673-1743) a Netherlands, sun yi jayayya cewa dokar kasa da kasa ya kamata ta samo asali ne daga ainihin aikin jihohi maimakon tushen Kirista ko Greco-Roman. Nazarin dokar kasa da kasa ya kauce daga ainihin damuwarsa game da dokar yaki da kuma zuwa yankuna kamar dokar teku da yarjejeniyar kasuwanci.[10]Makarantar positivist ta zama sananne yayin da ta nuna ra'ayoyin da aka yarda da su game da ikon mallakar jihar kuma ta dace da tsarin da ake amfani da shi ga falsafar da ke samun karɓa a Turai.[8]

Kafa tsarin Westphalian

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Abubuwan da suka faru a karni na 17 sun ƙare a ƙarshen Zaman Lafiya na Westphalia a cikin 1648, wanda ake la'akari da babban abin da ya faru a cikin dokar kasa da kasa.[16]Sakamakon ikon mallakar Westphalian an ce ya kafa tsarin shari'a na kasa da kasa na yanzu wanda ke da jihohin kasashe masu zaman kansu, waɗanda ke da daidaito ba tare da la'akari da girman su da iko ba, wanda aka bayyana da farko ta hanyar rashin tsoma baki a cikin al'amuran cikin gida na jihohi masu zaman kansu ba, kodayake masana tarihi sun kalubalanci wannan labarin.[26]Ra'ayin kishin kasa ya kara karfafa manufar da kuma kafa kasashe-kasashe.[26]Abubuwan da ke cikin makarantun masu ilimin halitta da masu ra'ayi sun haɗu, musamman masanin falsafar Jamus Christian Wolff (1679-1754) da kuma masanin shari'a na Switzerland Emer de Vattel (1714-1767), dukansu biyu sun nemi hanyar tsakiya.[16][10]

Ɗaya daga cikin kayan aiki na farko na dokar rikice-rikicen makamai ta zamani shine Dokar Lieber ta 1863, wanda ke jagorantar gudanar da yaƙi a lokacin Yaƙin basasar Amurka, kuma an lura da shi don tsara dokoki da abubuwan yaƙi da kasashe a duk faɗin duniya suka bi, gami da Ingila, Prussia, Serbia da Argentina.[27]A cikin shekarun da suka biyo baya, an kirkiro wasu yarjejeniyoyi da hukumomi da yawa don tsara halayyar jihohi ga juna, gami da Kotun Arbitration ta Dindindin a cikin 1899, da Hague da Geneva Conventions, wanda aka fara shi a cikin 1864.[28][16]

Ci gaban karni na 20 da 21

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Alƙalai na Kotun Shari'a ta Duniya a 1979

Yaduwar mulkin mallaka ta ikon Turai ya kai kololuwa a ƙarshen karni na 19 kuma tasirinsa ya fara raguwa bayan zubar da jini da ba a taɓa gani ba na Yaƙin Duniya na I, wanda ya haifar da kirkirar kungiyoyin duniya. Hakkin cin nasara an san shi gabaɗaya a matsayin dokar ƙasa da ƙasa kafin Yaƙin Duniya na II . An kafa League of Nations don kare zaman lafiya da tsaro.[28][29]Dokar kasa da kasa ta fara haɗa ra'ayoyi kamar Ƙaddamar da kai da haƙƙin ɗan adam.[29]An kafa Majalisar Dinkin Duniya (UN) a 1945 don maye gurbin Kungiyar, tare da manufar kiyaye tsaro.[29]Wani tsari mai karfi na kasa da kasa ya biyo baya, wanda cibiyoyin kamar Kotun Shari'a ta Duniya (ICJ) da Majalisar Tsaro ta Majalisar Dinkin Duniya (UNSC) suka karfafa.[30]An kafa Hukumar Shari'a ta Duniya (ILC) a 1947 don bunkasa da tsara dokar kasa da kasa.[29]

A cikin shekarun 1940 zuwa 1970s, rushewar rukunin Soviet da sake mulkin mallaka a duk faɗin duniya ya haifar da kafa sabbin jihohi masu zaman kansu.[29]Kamar yadda wadannan tsoffin yankuna suka zama jihohin su, sun karɓi ra'ayoyin Turai game da dokar ƙasa da ƙasa.[8]Yawancin cibiyoyi, daga Asusun Kuɗi na Duniya (IMF) da Bankin Duniya don sake ginawa da ci gaba (Bankin Duniya) zuwa Hukumar Lafiya ta Duniya sun ci gaba da ci gaba da tsarin multilateralist yayin da jihohi suka zaɓi yin sulhu game da ikon mallaka don amfana daga hadin gwiwar kasa da kasa.[8]Tun daga shekarun 1980s, an kara mayar da hankali kan abin da ya faru na duniya da kuma kare haƙƙin ɗan adam a kan sikelin duniya, musamman lokacin da 'yan tsiraru ko' yan asalin suka shiga, yayin da ake nuna damuwa cewa duniya na iya ƙara rashin daidaito a cikin tsarin shari'a na duniya.[30]

Tushen dokar kasa da kasa

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tushen dokar kasa da kasa da al'ummar kasashe suka yi amfani da su an jera su a Mataki na 38 (1) na Dokar Kotun Shari'a ta Duniya, wanda ake la'akari da iko a wannan batun. Wadannan rukuni sune, a cikin tsari, Yarjejeniyar kasa da kasa, dokar al'ada ta kasa da kasa، ka'idodin doka gaba ɗaya, da yanke shawara na shari'a da kuma koyarwar fitattun malaman shari'a a matsayin "mafi amfani don ƙaddamar da ka'idojin doka".[1]Hanyoyin farko da aka kirkiro dokar kasa da kasa ta hanyar yarjejeniyoyi da aiki. Da farko an yi la'akari da cewa tsari na tushe a jere zai ba da shawarar matsayi na tushe; duk da haka, dokar ba ta samar da matsayi ba kuma wasu masana kimiyya sun yi jayayya cewa saboda haka tushe dole ne su kasance daidai.[31][32]

An bayyana ka'idodin doka gabaɗaya a cikin Dokar a matsayin "ka'idodin doka da al'ummomi masu wayewa suka amince da su" amma babu wata yarjejeniya ta ilimi game da abin da aka haɗa a cikin wannan iyaka.[33][34]Ana ɗaukar su ne daga tsarin shari'a na ƙasa da na duniya, kodayake ciki har da rukunin na ƙarshe ya haifar da muhawara game da yiwuwar haɗuwa da dokar al'ada ta duniya.[33][34]Dangantakar ka'idojin gabaɗaya zuwa yarjejeniyoyi ko al'ada an ɗauke ta a matsayin "cika] gibin" kodayake har yanzu babu wani ƙarshe game da ainihin dangantakarsu ba tare da matsayi ba.[ing][33]

Yarjejeniya

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Jam'iyyun da masu sanya hannu kan Yarjejeniyar Vienna kan Dokar Yarjejeniya:Page Samfuri:Template for discussion/styles.css has no content. 

An bayyana yarjejeniya a cikin Mataki na 2 na Yarjejeniyar Vienna kan Dokar Yarjejeniya (VCLT) a matsayin "yarjejeniyar kasa da kasa da aka kammala tsakanin Jihohi a rubuce-rubuce kuma ana sarrafa ta da dokar kasa da kasa, ko an haɗa ta cikin kayan aiki guda ɗaya ko a cikin kayan aiki biyu ko fiye da suka danganci kuma duk abin da ake kira ta".[35]Ma'anar ta ƙayyade cewa dole ne jam'iyyun su zama jihohi, duk da haka ana ɗaukar ƙungiyoyin ƙasa da ƙasa suna da ikon shiga yarjejeniyoyi.[35][1]Yarjejeniyoyi suna da ɗaurewa ta hanyar ka'idar pacta sunt servanda, wanda ke bawa jihohi damar ƙirƙirar wajibai na doka akan kansu ta hanyar yardar rai.[1][36]Dole ne yarjejeniyar ta kasance karkashin dokar kasa da kasa; duk da haka kotuna na kasa za su iya fassara shi.[35]VCLT, wanda ya tsara ka'idoji da yawa na fassarar yarjejeniya, ya riƙe cewa yarjejeniya "za a fassara ta da bangaskiya mai kyau daidai da ma'anar da za a ba wa ka'idodin yarjejeniyar a cikin mahallin su kuma a cikin hasken manufarta da manufarta".[37]Wannan yana wakiltar sulhu tsakanin ra'ayoyi uku na fassara: tsarin rubutu wanda ke kallon ma'anar rubutu na yau da kullun, tsarin ra'ayi wanda ke la'akari da dalilai kamar niyyar masu zane, da kuma tsarin teleological wanda ke fassara yarjejeniya bisa ga manufarsa da manufarta.[37][38]

Dole ne jihar ta bayyana yardar ta don a ɗaure ta da yarjejeniya ta hanyar sanya hannu, musayar kayan aiki, tabbatarwa, karɓa, amincewa ko shiga. Samun dama yana nufin jihar da ta zaɓa ta zama jam'iyya ga yarjejeniyar da ba ta iya sanya hannu ba, kamar lokacin da ta kafa hukumar yanki. Inda yarjejeniya ta bayyana cewa za a aiwatar da shi ta hanyar tabbatarwa, karɓa ko amincewa, dole ne bangarorin su sanya hannu don nuna yarda da kalmomin amma babu abin da ake buƙata ga jihar don tabbatar da yarjejeniyar daga baya, kodayake har yanzu suna iya kasancewa ƙarƙashin wasu wajibai.[30]Lokacin sanya hannu ko tabbatar da yarjejeniya, jihar na iya yin sanarwa don musantawa ko gyara wasu tanadi na doka wanda zai iya samun ɗaya daga cikin sakamako uku: jihar da ke ajiya ta ɗaure ta yarjejeniyar amma an hana tasirin tanadi masu dacewa ko canje-canje, jihar da ke adanawa ta ɗaure yarjejeniyar amma ba tanadi masu mahimmanci ba, ko kuma jihar da ke ajiyewa ba ta ɗaure da yarjejeniyar.[39][35]Sanarwar fassara tsari ne daban, inda jihar ta fitar da wata sanarwa don bayyana ko bayyana tanadin yarjejeniya. Wannan na iya shafar fassarar yarjejeniyar amma gabaɗaya ba doka ba ce.[35][30]Jiha kuma tana iya bayar da sanarwa mai iyaka wanda ke bayyana cewa za ta yarda da yarjejeniyar da aka ba ta ne kawai a kan yanayin wani tanadi ko fassara.[35]

Mataki na 54 na VCLT ya tanadi cewa ko dai jam'iyya na iya dakatar da ko janyewa daga yarjejeniya daidai da sharuddan ta ko a kowane lokaci tare da yardar ɗayan, tare da 'ƙarewa' da ke amfani da yarjejeniyar biyu da 'cirewa' da ke aiki da yarjejeniyar multilateral.[39]Inda yarjejeniya ba ta da tanadi da ke ba da izinin dakatar da ko janyewa, kamar Yarjejeniyar Kisan kare dangi, an haramta shi sai dai idan an nuna haƙƙin cikin yarjejeniyar ko kuma bangarorin sun yi niyyar ba da izini.[39]Hakanan za'a iya ɗaukar yarjejeniya mara inganci, gami da inda jam'iyyun ke aiki da ultra vires ko sakaci, inda aka sami kisa ta hanyar zamba, cin hanci da rashawa ko hanyar karfi, ko kuma inda yarjejeniyar ta saba wa ka'idojin da ba su dace ba.[39]

International law has been criticized due to limited democratic legitimacy.[40] International courts have been criticised for a lack of legitimacy, as they can seem disconnected from the crimes that have occurred, but hybrid courts aim to combine both national and international components, operating in the jurisdiction where the crimes in question occurred.[41][42] There has been debate about what courts can be included within this definition, but generally the Special Panels for Serious Crimes in East Timor, the Kosovo Specialist Chambers, the Special Court for Sierra Leone, the Special Tribunal for Lebanon and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia have been listed.[41][29][42] Backlash to international laws can contribute to judicial populism.[43]

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  1. 1 2 3 4 Brownlie & Crawford 2012.
  2. ↑ Janis 1984.
  3. ↑ Janis 1996.
  4. ↑ Ōnuma 2000.
  5. 1 2 Stevenson 1952.
  6. ↑ Steinhardt 1991.
  7. ↑ Cotterrell 2012.
  8. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Head 1994.
  9. 1 2 Degan 1997.
  10. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Nussbaum 1954.
  11. 1 2 3 Bederman 2001.
  12. 1 2 Neff 2014.
  13. 1 2 deLisle 2000.
  14. ↑ Alexander 1952.
  15. ↑ Patel 2016.
  16. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Orakhelashvili 2020.
  17. ↑ Bashir 2018.
  18. 1 2 Khadduri 1956.
  19. ↑ Parvin & Sommer 1980.
  20. ↑ Saeed 2018.
  21. ↑ Rodin & Sorabji 2006.
  22. ↑ Roden, Kate (June 8, 2020). "An Italian Incunable in Tarlton's Collection". Tarlton Law Library: The Lectures of Baldus de Ubaldis. Tarlton Law Library, The University of Texas at Austin School of Law. Retrieved August 29, 2026.
  23. ↑ von Glahn 1992.
  24. ↑ Yepremyan 2022.
  25. 1 2 Saastamoinen 1995.
  26. 1 2 Osiander 2001.
  27. ↑ Solis 2016.
  28. 1 2 Northedge 1986.
  29. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Orakhelashvili 2011.
  30. 1 2 3 4 Evans 2014.
  31. ↑ Prost 2017.
  32. ↑ Shelton 2006.
  33. 1 2 3 Shao 2021.
  34. 1 2 Bassiouni 1990.
  35. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Gardiner 2008.
  36. ↑ Klabbers 1996.
  37. 1 2 Dothan 2019.
  38. ↑ Jacobs 1969.
  39. 1 2 3 4 Aust 2007.
  40. ↑ Wouters, Jan; De Meester, Bart; Ryngaert, Cedric (2003). "Democracy and International Law" (PDF). Netherlands Yearbook of International Law. 34: 139. doi:10.1017/S0167676800001458. ISSN 0167-6768. Retrieved 24 July 2025.
  41. 1 2 Nouwen 2006.
  42. 1 2 Cryer, Robinson & Vasiliev 2019.
  43. ↑ Voeten, Erik (2020). "Populism and Backlashes against International Courts" (PDF). Perspectives on Politics. 18 (2): 407–422. doi:10.1017/S1537592719000975. ISSN 1537-5927. Retrieved 20 April 2025.
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