Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
Few international agreements have provoked more controversy among historians than that concluded at Dover, on 22 May 1670, by representatives of the English and French Crowns. Its main provisions were for an offensive war against the Dutch republic of the United Provinces, leading to its destruction as a European power, and for the public profession by the English king, Charles II, of the Roman Catholic faith, which had been regarded by most English people for a hundred years as the bitterest enemy of their own church. The existence of this treaty was concealed not only from the other European states and the subjects of the respective monarchs, but from the greater number of their own ministers. The motives of Charles in making this amazing pact have remained a mystery. In the present century, they have been represented by Sir Keith Feiling as an attempt to unite Catholics and Protestant dissenters as a foundation for a stronger monarchy; by Cyril Hartmann, K. H. D. Haley, David Ogg and Lady Antonia Fraser as a decision to hitch England to the fortunes of Europe's strongest state, France; by Sir Arthur Bryant as a wish to ensure his country a share of the Spanish empire and his throne a dependable group of supporters in the form of the Catholics; by Maurice Lee and J. R. Jones as a grand design to make himself independent of his subjects in general and of parliament in particular; and by John Miller as a desire for vengeance upon the Dutch.
1 All dates given are old style.
2 SirFeiling, Keith, British foreign policy 1660–1672 (London, 1930), p. 275Google Scholar, Hartmann, Cyril Hughes, The King my brother (London, 1954), pp. 207–317Google Scholar; Ogg, David, England in the reign of Charles II (London2nd edn 1956), 1, 326–7Google Scholar; Haley, K. H. D., The first earl of Shaftesbury (Oxford, 1963)Google Scholar, ch. 13; Fraser, Lady Antonia, King Charles II (London, 1979)Google Scholar, ch. 17; SirBryant, Arthur, King Charles II (London, 1955 edn), pp. 154–68Google Scholar; Lee, Maurice, The cabal (Urbana, 1965), p. 3Google Scholar; Jones, J. R., Country and Court (London, 1978), pp. 164–73Google Scholar; Miller, John, Popery and politics in England (Cambridge, 1973), pp. 108–14Google Scholar. The summaries of historians' views given here do some violence to the sublety of the original statements. In particular, DrMiller's, theory, repeated in James II: a study in kingship (Hove, 1978), pp. 59–62Google Scholar, may be expressed more fully as follows – that Charles may have sincerely intended to become a Catholic in early 1669, but the question of his conversion soon became a device to win the friendship of France and was then shelved as he became more interested in a Dutch War Of all the interpretations outlined above, this comes closest to that proposed in this present piece, though there will still be important differences.
3 I am extremely grateful to the present Baron and Baroness Clifford of Chudleigh, and more immediately to Captain the Honourable T. H. Clifford and his lady, for their permission to inspect the documents at Ugbrooke House and for their hospitality while doing so. That work laid the foundation for this essay.
4 Burnet, Gilbert, History of my own time, ed. Airy, Osmund (Oxford, 1897), 1, 515Google Scholar. The story seems partially authenticated by the presence of the letter concerned among Shaftesbury's papers, Public Record Office, P.R.O. 30/24/4, fo. 180.
5 ‘All confidence among men is broken…there are scarcely any two that dare trust one the other’: Anglesey, to Ormonde, , 4 01 1668Google Scholar, Bodleian Library Carte MSS 217, fo. 433.
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34 P.R.O., P.R.O. 31/3/118, fo. 210; 123, fo. 2, dispatches of Ruvigny and Colbert de Croissy, 1667–9; C.S.P.V. (1666–8), passim; P.R.O., S.P. 29/233–66, passim, letters to Williamson and Sir John Finch; Sylvester, Matthew (ed.), Reliquiae Baxterianae (1696), book I, part III, pp. 50–1Google Scholar.
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50 Though the men were exceptionally gifted: Sir Thomas Osborne and Christopher Wren. They both swiftly cut loose from Buckingham. See Buckinghamshire Record Office, M 11/22, William Denton to Sir Ralph Verney, 26 Aug. and 4 Nov. 1668; P.R.O., S.P. 44/30, fo. 87, warrant for office; Pepys's diary, IX, 491. A possible third was John Wilkins, made bishop of Chester, but he was already a churchman of considerable note, Bod.L. Tanner MSS 314, Robert Littlebury to William Sancroft, 29 Sept. 1668.
51 It was discussed with horror as far away as Caernarvonshire: National Library of Wales, Wynn MSS, Lady Sarah to Sir Richard Wynn, 22 Mar. 1668.
52 The Cabal, pp. 104, 167.
53 Pepys's diary, IX, 26, 293–5, 335–6, 360, 466–8; P.R.O., S.P. 29/234/215, John Morland to John Tempest, 18 Feb. 1668; B.L. Add. MSS 36916, fo. 124, Starkey to Aston, 2 Dec. 1668.
54 Pepys's diary, IX, 7, 40–2, 205, 323, 386–7.
55 Ibid. pp. 462–91; P.R.O., P.R.O. 31/3/121, fos. 198–200, Colbert de Croissy to Lionne, 1 Mar. 1669; B.L. Egerton MSS 2539, fos. 327–31, Sir John to Sir Edward Nicholas, 3 and 9 Mar. 1669; B.L. Add. MSS 36916, fo. 129, Starkey to Aston, 2 Mar. 1669.
56 Calendar of treasury books (1669–72), part 1, pp. 1–77.
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58 Pepys's diary, IX, 340–1; P.R.O., S.P. 44/18, fos. 345, 608, Anglesey to king, 5 Dec. 1668, and reply; Bulstrode papers, pp. 71–2; Bod.L. Carte MSS 36, fo. 367; 48, fos. 280–313, letters from the commission of inquiry and from Ormonde; National Library of Scotland, MS 3136, fo. 48, Lauderdale to Tweeddale, 12 Nov. 1668; B.L. Egerton MSS 2539, fo. 279, 10 Nov. 1668.
59 Pepys's diary, IX, 310.
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64 P.R.O., S.P. 63/325/20, Orrery to Conway, 27 Feb. 1669; National Library of Ireland, MS letters of duchess of Ormonde, letter to Captain George Mathew, n.d. but clearly Feb. 1669; Carte MSS 48, fos. 338–46, Ormonde to Ossory, Mar.–May 1669 and 220, fos. 445–6, Ossory to Ormonde, 23 Feb. 1669.
65 Such as the failed bill of 1663.
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67 P.R.O., S.P. 63/318/224, 327/14–121, letters of Leigh, Frowde, Sir Ellis Leighton, Berkeley and the king, Jan.–May 1670.
68 P.R.O., S.P. 63/327/44, Orrery to Conway, 12 Mar. 1670.
69 P.R.O., P.R.O. 31/3/121, fos. 247–8, Colbert de Croissy to Louis, 15 Apr. 1669; C.S.P.V. (1669–70), p. 60.
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86 Pepys's diary, IX, 278; B.L. Add. MSS 36916, fos. 107, 119, Starkey to Aston, 4 July and 18 Nov. 1668 and 10117, fo. 225V, Rugge's Diurnall, Nov. 1668.
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